An
essay
dedicated
to the
students
and
the
lectures
of the
Higher
Diploma
in Social
Policy,
2001-2002
Peter
Herrmann
A Spring,
full
of terrific
hopes.
Aghabullogue,
May 2002
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You should sleep nine hours
without dreams. Then you have the day for dreams.
(Herbert Marcuse)
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From
the book cover of Erasmus Schöfer, drawing by Barbara Manns
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A Spring,
full
of terrific
hopes.[i]
… Who Am I? …
Who Am I?
Look Inside Of Yourself
Where Are You?
Look Outside
Play With Thoughts
To Come
To Go
To Stay
Looking At New Things[ii]
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The following contains admittedly much stuff on the ME – the
background of it are, however, YOU. Even if lecturing is demanding and at the
same time – whoever feels concerned, is asked to excuse my bold openness –
sometimes perhaps a little bit boring, I want to dismantle a little bit our own
authority as lecturers, the sometimes supposed self-sacrificing attitude as it
is sometimes claimed. It is – at least in my personal perception – far from
being anything like this. It is – ideally – a process of mutually fruitful
work, a process of cooperation; and it is a process of work, where many tasks
are fitting in a wider framework of personal interests, as well the interests of
lecturers. Stimulations, ideas mentioned in the classroom are not “lost
there”; they are for many times valuable in other contexts.
– To consider this as important aspect of teaching social
policy is perhaps as well an important part of social policy itself – the
development of linking efforts, of fostering co-operation rather then
maintaining hierarchical structures inside an institution that claims to
compensate and neutralise hierarchies in society.
In this sense I want to dedicate this essay to the students
and the lectures of the course alike.
This little essay – born simply out of the pleasure of
philosophy and sociology, and thus being very much lead by philosophical and
sociological thoughts – is the attempt to draw the work, mainly the
work on the different projects together and to link them back to the various
topics which had been developed throughout our mutual studies. And so it is as
well born out of the effort to keep the promise I made at the beginning of –
and throughout – the year; namely the promise to make the ling between
sometimes scattered dealing with single topics.
With this in mind, it gives as well a personal account of the
experiences and impressions during the year – which means that the pleasures,
hopes, disappointments and struggles of the autobiography – at least some
brief notes thereon – link into the academic work; life as dedication for
social policy in its full meaning, if you want it a little bit pompous,
nevertheless honest. Taking this together, preparing and actually doing the
course work was personally for me very much the same as writing this essay –
the pleasure of philosophy and sociology.
An
essay
dedicated
to the
students
and
the
lecturers
of the
Higher
Diploma
in Social
Policy,
2001-2002
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It is already Tuesday – just one day left to the first of
May. Sun and rain went hand in hand this day. Perhaps I have to take it as
metaphor of my mood, the permanent change between courage, aiming at new
initiatives and exhaustion. Is it a general feeling, just reflecting the mood
after the winter days or is it a result of the 875 miles of the last week?
Being out in the yard and taking care of the life stock I am
contemplating. The Monday of the week before comes into my mind. As usual I got
up more or less early. The programme for the day had been given: every Monday
during this year I had been completely occupied by teaching – well, from
At
Crazy
people wanted, Classifying, measuring, diagnosing, and treating "mental
illness" – thinking about this topic meant for me to get
simultaneously aware of the advantage of having a job like this. Teaching social
policy for students who are highly motivated and at the same time so different,
coming from various ways of life and having very different plans for the future
is a guarantee that I hardly get bored. And in fact, in many of the topics I
have some kind of personal interest.
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But it was not just this like-mindedness in regard of a
specific group; furthermore,
Lorraine
is actually fighting one of the fundamental
battles of today’s society. Psychiatric
patients are basically dealt with as non-humans and it is not only this group.
The challenge is to fundamentally redefine the self-understanding of social
professions. Usually they start from a certain “image”, the understanding of
the “good” and the “evil”. Moreover, pretending to work for the
individual and sometimes even working “with” the individual social
professions have – paradoxically to the individualistic approach – the
society as reference. A main strand of the Western history of ideas starts from
the individual by subordinating it under the requirements of society. The
individual is seen as play dough, as something which has to be shaped in
accordance with the “ideal society”, ideal as it is defined by
professionals, by political elites and basically by economic interests. And so
it is in this area the frightening influence of pharmaceutical industries that
“defines health”. But what is more, it is the redefinition of the basic idea
of citizenship and quality of life: It is actually not far from the cogito
ergo sum as it had been defined by René Descartes to the
subordination of the individual under the interests of the market. However, what
Cartesian philosophy did not accept was the fact that we think what we
are, or as Karl Marx put it
‘In
direct contrast to German philosophy which descends from heaven to earth, here
we ascend from earth to heaven. That is to say, we do not set out from what men
say, imagine, conceive, nor from men as narrated, thought of, imagined,
conceived, in order to arrive at men in the flesh. We set out from real, active
men, and on the basis of their real life-process we demonstrate the development
of the ideological reflexes and echoes of this life-process. The phantoms formed
in the human brain are also, necessarily, sublimates of their material
life-process, which is empirically verifiable and bound to material premises.
Morality, religion, metaphysics, all the rest of ideology and their
corresponding forms of consciousness, thus no longer retain the semblance of
independence. They have no history, no development; but men, developing their
material production and their material intercourse, alter, along with this their
real existence, their thinking and the products of their thinking. Life is not
determined by consciousness, but consciousness by life. In the first method of
approach the starting-point is consciousness taken as the living individual; in
the second method, which conforms to real life, it is the real living
individuals themselves, and consciousness is considered solely as their
consciousness.’ (Karl Marx: The German Ideology. Part I: Feuerbach. Opposition
of the Materialist and Idealist Outlook. A. Idealism and Materialism (1845-46) http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1845/german-ideology/ch01a.htm#a1
– 16.5.2002)
And what Descartes actually could not take into account
was the simple fact that it is only in the developed market society where
production reaches a stage which captures thinking – what I frequently
mentioned as the consumo ergo sum. It is actually the commodity as fetish
and thus as conquest of the thinking by the market. Citizen is only the
consumer, the participant of and in the market society. And what developed as
anti-psychiatry actually shows its character as anti-market, as anti-capitalist
approach as it wants to give society back to the individual rather then allowing
that for some people the consumo ergo sum is literally implemented:
consume your medication, consume the treatment that professionals, bureaucrats
and market-powers define as “appropriate”. And then go on to think exactly
that way this makes you thinking. The particularly ironic consequence of what Zygmunt
Bauman must have had in mind when he wrote that the market ‘offers freedom
to people who in other areas of their life find only constraints, often
experienced as oppression’ (Zygmunt Baumann: Freedom: Buckingham 1988: 61)
III
The materialist doctrine concerning the changing of circumstances and upbringing
forgets that circumstances are changed by men and that it is essential to
educate the educator himself. This doctrine must, therefore, divide society into
two parts, one of which is superior to society.
The coincidence of the changing of circumstances and of human activity or
self-changing can be conceived and rationally understood only as revolutionary
practice.[iii]
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Driving through the early evening – the country side is
seemingly flying along – and talking about this topic the other students and
their work come into my mind.
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One is seemingly the same to that of
‘You have me converted from law’ she once writes in an
e-mail, following an intense discussion of the fact that law is only a
reflection of the social relations, of the power-structure of society. Even in a
materialised form it belongs to the superstructure of society. However, Deirdre
brought me a little bit back to it – finally the EU the region we are
living in is supposedly what in linguistic terms simply would be a
constitutional state, what in terms of the constitutional law is understood more
precisely as a state based on law and securing its implementation. It is this
state and its ambitions in which we are all are moving, the state which shapes
more and more our life – its destination: a social
IV
’Feuerbach starts out from the fact of religious self-alienation, of the
duplication of the world into a religious world and a secular one. His work
consists in resolving the religious world into its secular basis.
But that the secular basis detaches itself from itself and establishes itself as
an independent realm in the clouds can only be explained by the cleavages and
self-contradictions within this secular basis. The latter must, therefore, in
itself be both understood in its contradiction and revolutionized in practice.
Thus, for instance, after the earthly family is discovered to be the secret of
the holy family, the former must then itself be destroyed in theory and in
practice.’
So I found some help in my own search for the project I will
soon start in virtually in
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Of course this is rather abstract. However, finally social
policy is “systemic”; social policy work on questions in which sometimes –
seemingly? – the human being, the perspective of and even on the concerned
people is lost out of sight. Cathy comes to my mind. ‘I, being a very
practical person’, she says, ‘felt it difficult to comprehend, at first, how
one could promote children without having a child in sight’ – these are the
words she used in her placement report. And as such a “very practical
person” she is a permanent challenge for me.
When we talked about her project she did not easily accept an
answer. What does it mean for the concrete situation? Only an answer which can
help in this regard is a valuable answer for her.
During the year she had the opportunity to go twice to
Bruxelles – once for a conference, another time for her
placement. And she
worked systematically on the project – Children -
Seen and not Heard? She goes somewhat dogged her way
– “No, I’m alright, I’ll get there” – and so she does. Not being
impressed by the huge glass fronts of the Parliament in
What is all this about? Children, to be precise children’s
rights are the focus of her work. Yes, another question of law!? But much more a
question of living together. And such a living together does not need
theoretical answers. Rather it depends on the answers that are immediately
meaningful for day-to-day’s practice. – But as much as she looks for the
people concerned, as much as the practical purpose is her central interest it
does not distract her from looking for answers, for explanations, which make it
possible to explore what is behind the glass.
‘IX
The highest point reached by contemplative materialism, that is, materialism
which does not comprehend sensuousness as practical activity, is contemplation
of single individuals and of civil society.’
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During the year I had to think for several times of Niklas
Luhmann. Once, a colleague introduced me as Luhmann’s scholar. I
don’t know if this was true – I definitely learned quite a lot by working on
his theory. Be it while I had been at the
Definitely different than Michael. This young man is
just the opposite of the student mentioned before. Talking to him one might have
at times the impression that life is a theoretical experiment. And then again he
has something of Luhmann. Being seemingly lost in intellectual pastimes,
he surprises a minute later by mentioning work he does – the Samaritans are
not only the subject of his interest for the project, titled "Re-Locating
Individualism" - The Samaritans as a Social Space. He is active
in the organisation and tries to combine highly abstract theories with care for
the individual.
I am wondering again about differences and similarities. Students who are not interested in what many people turn down as theory, something that is said to be solely abstract, or even contemplative reasoning about terms, construction of theoretical models and the search for relations between different ideologies throughout the centuries – the process of splitting hairs. And others who try to find a way through exactly this.
It is Michael who starts his work on the
project by reasoning about postmodernism. The notion of space as an entity which
allows the self-determination of and by the individual. However, a space that is
not per se given. The individual has to strive for this space and the Samaritans
could make an offer – partners in negotiating and renegotiating life.
– Sure, we can have this impression in today’s world –
the isolated individual, depending on him- or herself. The definition of the
individual and the constitution of identity as “tinkering”[vi] (see for instance Ulrich
Beck: The Debate on the “Individualization Theory” in Today’s Sociology in
But then, what exactly is the notion of this supposed shift to
a postmodern world. Do we not have to explore the modern world more in depth
before we leave it as unfulfilled concept behind? Discussing for many times on
the seemingly very abstract level of Kantian and Hegelian philosophy
it gets soon clear that we are actually working on a pronouncedly practical
level. Finally, everybody has to accept that
‘VIII
All social life is essentially practical. All mysteries which lead theory to
mysticism find their rational solution in human practice and in the
comprehension of this practice.’
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Surely some interesting thoughts for me, not least as I feel
obliged to acknowledge the provocation of postmodernism. For me it is especially
challenging as a kind of hand-luggage for some future work I just took up in
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Having said this it has to be qualified. Even if he came very
much along as a theorist, he always stood with another leg firm on the ground
– not least by the already mentioned work at the Simon Community, the
organisation working for and with homeless people. And it is this organisation
which coined very much Liam’s work during the year. Brave man – to
give up a career in telecommunication, something that others would probably see
as a dream-job. Well, giving it up means to continue at the same time at least
with a certain way of approaching challenges – a very systematic approach,
looking for purposes, if possible those of immediate relevance.
Another challenge for me, as he continues on a substantial
level to some extent what I wanted to do when I arrived some years ago here in
Ireland – the title of the then envisaged project was Street-level economic
activities. Well, Liam’s interest was another: Street
Drinking in Cork City. However, in both of
the cases the idea was to look at those who live on the streets. And in both of
the cases the approach was somewhat phenomenological – the real life as it can
be seen and as it is perceived, perceived not least by those who live it.
‘VI
Feuerbach resolves the religious essence into the human essence. But the human
essence is no abstraction inherent in each single individual.
In its reality it is the ensemble of the social relations.’
Street-drinking should not be mixed up with homelessness – Liam
is clear in this. However, his interest and work in this area is strongly
linked to homelessness, going back to his activities in the Simon Community. And
– thus being reminded of housing – I am again wondering if politicians are
really aware of this fundamental paradox: aiming on building a “European
House”, as they call it, but not having even a naked shelter for the many of
those for whom they claim to build it. And while they are preaching water and do
not want to see anybody in the streets, drowning their sorrows, they are
themselves sitting in the palace, cheering with wine. And these palaces are
built from glass, that is as hard and impenetrable as steel – you will
remember both, Heinrich Heine and
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These strong walls may keep things outside – for a while.
However, finally the standard for an integrated society is how it deals with
those depending on water – how the society copes with the weakest links and
even more, how the society defines who are weak. Couldn’t one even say that a
society defines its own weakness by defining who is weak, who is even too weak
to be accepted as part of the society. In other words society defines itself not
by what it is but by what it is not, by whom it excludes.
Claire asked in her essay a question that comes to my mind at this
point. ‘So what is more important – a healthy psychological base for the
child or a setting in which he can flourish academically?’ The task, the young
woman has set herself is not an easy one. She investigates the
situation of
children with the Down’s Syndrome, regarding the satisfaction of their special
needs – having moderate learning disability. And as usual, research turns out
to be a minefield. Starting to look at the situation in the schools is just the
beginning of opening the mind on all those involved, getting aware of the
various issues that have to be tackled and that actually are played off against
each other. Medical arguments, the legal situation, the interests and as well
the capacities of the teaching profession come into play. And what at the end
gets clear is that finally only one question is relevant – how is all this
related to the real life, to empowering living outside of school. And even if Claire
looks at the seemingly much specialised question, the situation of children
with moderate learning difficulties due to the Down Syndrome, she actually
covers the way today’s society values – and devalues – the human being.
II
The question whether objective truth can be attributed to human thinking is not
a question of theory but is a practical question. Man must prove the truth --
i.e. the reality and power, the this-sidedness of his thinking in practice. The
dispute over the reality or non-reality of thinking that is isolated from
practice is a purely scholastic question.
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We
see, what we usually acknowledge as “the social” is by no
means eternally given – and this is true even for matters of very basic,
biological and in a way unchangeable character.
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When students choose their topic for such a project or any
thesis and I am tutoring the work on the topic I always try to invest some of my
studies to know at least a little bit about what I am talking about while I am
“supervising the experts”. And in connection with the work on Claire’s topic
I thought again and again about the ambiguity of what we vaguely call
modernisation, progress and civilisation. What interested me in particular was
the changing way of how societies exclude people. Sometimes we pretend that in
earlier societies there was a “natural harmony”. Did I not talk for many
times of the oĩkoυ, the seemingly harmonious Greek system of
the oikos? In its analysis we see the oìkoυoμίας,
the oikonomia, the origin of today’s economy. How often did I read
and think about this “management of the household”, as for example Xenophon
developed it so profoundly in his book of which the title is probably best
translated as Talks about the Management of the Household. Seemingly the
“ideal form”, the foundation of what Plato presented in The
Republic the ideal state.
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We are still driving – on the way from
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Along the roadside I see Caravans – a glance of the life and
living of the Travelling Community.
A strange feeling overcomes me – the deep feeling of the
contradictions of our society and own life. There we are driving on the
highway-like road – so to say communicating. Two people talking with each
other despite the differences for example of age and what is usually called
position. But taking the strong linguistic link between commuting and communicating
serious, as well “communicating between places”. Both is nothing else
than
(a) exchange and
(b) change[vii]?
Seen in this etymological perspective all roads, cars,
telecommunication networks etc. are technical means of communication, means used
to bring people nearer to each other – and thus changing each other. A mutual
change and a change of the individual on his or own. And yet, the very same
means destroy communication; they are means to create distance. In particular
when I leave
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What actually is the question of sociology? Georg Simmel, who
‘was thinking creatively in the very process of lecturing’ (Coser, Lewis
A. Masters of Sociological Thought: Ideas in Historical and Social Context.
Second edition. New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1977; from
http://socio.ch/sim/bio.htm: 17.5.2002), formulated this question in the
words ’How is society possible?’
‘We
are thus in a position to see the a priori which we must now discuss. This A
priori provides the individual with the basis for, and offers the
“possibility” of, his being a member of a society. An individual is directed
toward a certain place within his social milieu by his very quality. This place
which ideally belongs to him actually exists. Here we have the precondition of
the individual’s social life. It may be called general value of individuality.
It is independent both of its development into a clear, consciously formed
conception and of its realization in the empirical life-process. In the same
way, the apriority of causality as a determining precondition of cognition
depends neither on its conscious formulation in specific concepts nor on the
behaviour of reality, as we grasp it psychologically, in accord or discord with
it. For our cognition is based on the premise of a pre-established harmony that
exists between our psychological energies, however individualized they may be,
and external, objective existence. This existence always remains immediate, no
matter how many attempts there have been to show, metaphysically or
psychologically, that it is the intellect’s own product. In a similar fashion,
social life presupposes an unquestionable harmony between the individual and
society as a whole. This harmony, of course, does not preclude violent ethical
and eudaemonistic dissonances. If social reality were determined by this
presupposition of harmony alone, without the interference of other factors, it
would result in the perfect society. It would be perfect, however, not in the
sense of ethical or eudaemonostic perfection, but of conceptual perfection; it
would be not the perfect society but the perfect society. The a priori of the
individual’s social existence is the fundamental correlation between his life
and the society that surrounds him, the integrative function and necessity of
his specific character, as it is determined by his personal life, to the life of
the whole. Insofar as he does not realize this a priori or does not find it
realized in society, the individual is not sociated and society is not the
perfect system of interactions called for by its definition.’ (Georg Simmel:
How is Society Possible; in: Georg Simmel on individuality and social forms.
Selected writings; Edited and with an Introduction by Donald N. Levine;
Chicago/London: The
Simmel did not find the solution – neither did Luhmann, who
much later asked a similar question. But one thing is clear, even if most of the
sociologists did in fact avoid talking frankly about it. Society is a pattern of
living together which is fundamentally coined by conflict. And this means that
there is no reason at all to look back, to contemplate about the “good old
times”, to talk of the odd present and fearfully mention the future. History
does not repeat itself but what reoccurs is the renegotiation of the
distribution of power, starting from completely different points, involving a
variety of actors and far from being led by any kind voluntarism.
‘It
is not the consciousness of men that determines their existence, but their
social existence that determines their consciousness. At a certain stage of
development, the material productive forces of society come into conflict with
the existing relations of production or — this merely expresses the same thing
in legal terms — with the property relations within the framework of which
they have operated hitherto. From forms of development of the productive forces
these relations turn into their fetters. Then begins an era of social
revolution.’ (Karl Marx: A Contribution to the Critique of the Political
Economy – Internet version; see documented in the section of Literature of
General Philosophical and Sociological Interest)
– It has been Karl Marx who used this beautifully clear
language to express in a nutshell the driving force of development. And as often
as this passage is quoted as often it had been misunderstood – deliberately by
conservatives and due to stupidity and inattention by so many of those who
basically felt as Marxists themselves.
Many attacks had not been much more than filthy vetures.
However, the situation is nevertheless differentiated and it is necessary to
leave any black-and-white painting.
“There is no straightforward answer, is there?” – these
words, Cathy frequently used, ring in my ears. – “No, there is no
straightforward answer, indeed.” In political terms, talking about social
policy and the necessity to cope and to change, there is of course the desire to
find such an answer. In many cases, we actually have an answer – the answer
given by the facts of the objective situation. But then again, there is always a
kind of contemplation connected with our subject – the precise analysis of
exactly this: the objective situation. However, it is contemplation in its best
possible understanding, as an effort to understand the world to make action and
change possible, to show their necessity.
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My thoughts turn to another sociologist I remembered
throughout the last months for many times – and he showed so vividly both
sides,
the contemplative element and the practical meaning and
the non-harmonious character of the social development.[viii]
I met Norbert Elias a couple of times, while we both
had been in
However, he taught so much, he passed so much of his knowledge
on to others. His lively account of his research, mixed with his open-minded
calmness and readiness to listen always left its marks on us. And so was his
writing – without having to agree or to fully accept his approach – there is
much we can learn in regard of civilisation and something that we can call the
self-destruction of civilisation. Both, Simmel and Norbert Elias explored
on the more personal, even psychological level the balance between the
individual and what Simmel – idealistically – describes as a
priori given. And perhaps that is one of the most important differences
between them – that Elias analysed more deeply the historical dimension of the
social process. Of course – and that makes him theoretically so vulnerable –
he never leaves really his idealistic battleground. However, the cultural
dimension, what he called the sociogenetic and psychogenetic factors, play an
important role – important in particular in creating the distance of the
individual from itself. His sometimes seemingly obscene investigations of
manners or the life at Court do not conclude in relativism, but in the
historical perspective of the contradiction between ‘the perfect society’
and ‘the perfect society’, Simmel talked about.
‘The
fact that, and in part the reason why, from the Middle Ages and the early
Renaissance on, there was a particularly strong shift in individual self-control
– above all in self-control acting independently of external agents as a
self-activating automatism, revealingly said today to be “internalized” –
is presented in more detail from other perspectives in the present study. The
transformation of interpersonal external compulsion into individual internal
compulsion, which now increasingly takes place, leads to a situation in which
many affective impulses cannot be lived out as spontaneously as before. The
autonomous individual self-controls produced in this way in social life, such as
“rational thought” or the “moral conscience”, now interpose themselves
more sternly than ever before between spontaneous and emotional impulses, on the
one hand, and the skeletal muscles, on the other, preventing the former with
greater severity from directly determining the latter (i.e., action) without the
permission of these control mechanisms.’ (Nobert Elias: The civilising
process; translated by Edmund Jephcott; revised version; Eds.: Eric Dunning,
Johan Goudsblom; Stephen Mennell; Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 2000: 478)
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And it is in particular the contradiction in terms of
civilisation which springs up to my mind here – I mentioned it earlier; it is
just here while I am looking at the “civilised” outskirts of Limerick. The
newly built estates, cut off by the still increasing network of the highway-like
new roads – are in a very specific way mind-setting. Roads, the said means of
communication are cutting through space, hindering to some extent what they
pretend to enhance. It is not only the members of the Travelling Community who
are separated from the rest of society by the development of the enclosed
economy (see Gerben Bakker: The enclosed economy; in: EUI review; Ed: The
European University Review; San Domenico di Fiesole: EUI, 2001: 20-26; see
documented in the section Literature of General Philosophical and Sociological
Interest).
Basically, what we are seeing is the cutting off of the
individual from his or her own basis.
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I mentioned that, while we approached
Her interest is to secure “a healthy psychological base for
the child” against “a setting in which he can flourish academically.”
And as much as life, or to be more precise: the generally
accepted form of living is socially “defined” – given by the power
structure of the society we live in, as much is even death defined.
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Here, at the other end of Limerick – here, where the modern
roads divide people from their environment – it is getting even visually clear
what Georg Simmel’s developed as contradiction, where we see ourselves
confronted not with ‘the perfect society but the perfect society.’
And if the
society is not perfect in itself it is shaped to be so – societies define
themselves mostly not in positive terms but for so many times in negative terms
– even the most frightening definitions during history, claiming to be
positive, drawing on the characteristics of its members was nothing else than
negative: Fascism, claiming that only Aryans – in particular white, blond and
blue-eyed people – would be regarded as humans did not mean anything else
than: No entry – No toleration of, let alone access for people who are not
fulfilling the norm.
It is said that
Fascism had been the most vicious regime history ever had to face, in particular
German Fascism. This shall not be questioned – and it would be politically
fatal to draw misleading lines between different regimes – to compare
immediately this perfidious system, this regime which completely despised human
beings with the violence in societies we call democratic societies. However, two
things have to be made clear at the same time.
Violation
of human rights, the disregard of human beings cannot be measured in numbers –
a regime that does injustice against 10 people cannot claim to have a clean
record and blame a regime that does the same injustice against 1000 people for
being criminal and inhumane.
It
is not just the physical violence that counts; rather, the disregard of any
rights, the suppression by any means is reprehensible. And in fact it does not
matter if it is for reasons of political correctness of for the reason of
“otherness”, of being different that humans are treated as having no or
reduced rights.
In
any case, to acknowledge that fascism was most vicious cannot mean to overlook
that current societies are based on a very similar mechanism of exclusion and
inclusion. While walking through cities and towns, or while driving through the
Irish landscape as we do it one can see such inner borders – marks of defining
the “good society”, demarcating it from the “bad society”. To set norms
is always a process of defining just this – the good and the evil, the we and
the they. And while driving my thoughts are getting somewhat blurred. My
thoughts about the borders inside our society, the borders in front of my eyes
gets is mixing up with the thoughts about the borders between societies – and
for many times the violent defence of alleged rights. Memories of different
intensity come up
1957 the western world had been shocked by the Sputnik – the companion[ix] was seen as enemy, as threat for the claimed superiority of the West;
1962 the Cuba crisis brought the worlds breath near to a standstill – a new war on the footsteps of the world, a conflict which has supposedly solved, in fact a conflict that is still ongoing and in which the missiles had been exchanged for economic weapons – the alleged threat by Soviets[x] replaced by the threat of still blackmailing United economic forces, the American embargo politics;
1973
Salvador Allende Gossens had been murdered during the storming of the
palest of the president – since 1970 he was President, since 1970 he
implemented a socialist programme for the
The
list could be continued; and remembering in one way or another all these
incidences I remember as well the various links between the battles at the
external borders and the drawing of the internal borders. Milton Friedman had
been adviser of Pinochet; and he provided the economic model on which the actor
President Ronald Wilson Reagan, the iron Premier lady Margaret Thatcher and the
self-styled eternal Chancellor Helmut Kohl – politicians who could not be
overcome by self-marketing Smiley’s.
External
and internal social demarcations – the engine of the vehicle is hammering in
seemingly eternal bars – acceleration or slowing down does not change the
basic pattern of the sound. Here on the road the way forward depends on it. But
does this mean that every progress depends on it – on armed or structural
violence? Is social progress comparable with an engine of a vehicle? Is the
sacrifice of people – their life’s or their rights – the fuel for the
progress of society? So to say: People as diesel for society? My thoughts return
to the work throughout the year, the work of the students.
Jane,
asks for Rethinking
Citizenship in Contemporary European Union. What is striking is the fact
that the given regimes – and here the national systems and the European Union
have very much in common – just behave as they need it. Right, we have to
consider the discrimination and hostility, taking place day after day, brought
forward by ordinary people. But it can be noticed that this is basically only a
reflection of everyday behaviour of institutions, of the structural mechanism of
society. Jane looks at disabled people and they have in regard of discrimination
and – withheld citizenship’s rights very much in the same situation as other
minority groups. And the paradox of the contradictions of the current societies
is that here disabled people are even hindered to fulfil what on the other hand
they are accepted to do. In other words, disabled people are blamed again and
again not to take part in the labour market; however, at the same time they
systematically excluded, discriminated and instead of supporting them, the
“official” society still prefers to distribute alms – and reproaches –
rather than securing the rights of people concerned.
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But as difficult it is to "join society", as
difficult it is to leave it. Even death, the process of leaving society, seems to be largely controlled by this perfect
society. It was the European Tracie who looked at this question throughout the year
– Whose Life? Whose Right? Of course, the question of suicide, euthanasia, and assisted
suicide is delicate – this is not only true for people who feel the burden of
the German history, of the fascist misuse of power for the appropriation of the
decision over life and dead on their shoulders.
The question that is going much further is that of control.
And this is why I remembered Norbert Elias. Was he not actually working
on this issue – the shifts of power, the shifts of control in the course of
civilisation? And now we have the paradoxical situation that increasing control
does not allow us anymore to control ourselves. Seemingly we have absolute
power, but we only have it as expert-knowledge, as decision taken by others –
the professionals, who are so specific in their knowledge that they lost their
ethics on the way to their knowledge.
She refers to Talcott Parsons and his AGIL-scheme, as
she presents it;
1.
Adaptation (to
physical environment)
2.
Goal attainment (a
means of organising it’s resources to achieve its goals and obtain
gratification)
3.
Integration (Forms
of internal co-ordination and ways of dealing with differences.)
4.
Latency or pattern
maintenance (means of achieving comparative stability).
A play with words comes to my mind; AGIL, agile – catching
the contradiction in terms, as the AGIL has paralysing effects on the agile way
people are together with others in society. And as mentioned, Tracie shows
that this society as functional system, that the civilising process turns its
face so far from its origins, from the human being that it is getting inhumane.
People gain control over their life with the only paradox effect of loosing
control over it – the essential part of life, namely death, is virtually
cut-off.
Another time, Niklas Luhmann comes to my mind – with
his words ‘etsi no daretur Deus’. One does not have to accept his
approach and theory to accept the truth of these words. They are from his major
work on Social Systems where he writes:
When
one thus broadens the framework of possible solutions to the problem Parsons's
theory poses, one at once opens the theory more powerfully to chance. We can
connect this with the “order from noise principle” of general systems
theory. No preordained value consensus is needed; the problem of
double contingency (i.e., empty, closed, indeterminable self-reference) draws in
chance straightaway, creates sensitivity to chance, and when no value consensus
exists, one can thereby invent it. The system emerges etsi no daretur Deus [even
if God doesn't exist].’ (Niklas Luhmann: Social Systems. Translated by J.
Bednarz, with Dirk Baecker;
The control over nature is so extensively developed that it
has lost its own character, its categorical imperative – which is not a plea
for returning to God, but one for accepting the human being.
And it is getting amazingly clear for me that the rationality, the explanation of reality has limits - limits that are clearly mirrored in Tracie’s piece. If we accept society as modern, as enlightened entity of people living together, we have to accept the individual’s capability to take decisions – to cut off, as the Latin origin of the word (de-caedere) suggests. And this means to accept the incompleteness – even the incompleteness of insight, of rational explanation. As true as this is in regard of the question of death and life as true it is for the explanation-power of sociology and social policy – in the first case it shows the necessity of accepting ethics; in the second we can suggest the acceptance of partiality. In other words, social policy cannot be without manifesting the interest. Wasn’t this once the important point V.I. Lenin made, in highlighting for political assessments the importance of the question “whom it would benefit?”
The danger of idealism and voluntarism is obvious. However, it is obvious as well that even nature is a social fact, not given once for ever - a matter of what might be called "appropriation in mutuality".
‘How
is nature possible in the formal sense, as the totality of the rules, under
which all phenomena must come, in order to be thought as connected in
experience? The answer must be this: it is only possible by means of the
constitution of our Understanding, according to which all the above
representations of the sensibility are necessarily referred to a consciousness,
and by which the peculiar way in which we think (viz., by rules), and hence
experience also, are possible, but must be clearly distinguished from an insight
into the objects in themselves.’ (Immanuel Kant: Prolegomena to Any Future
Metaphysics [1783] - http://www.msu.org/e&r/content_e&r/texts/kant/prolegomena_part2.html;
16.5.2002)
It is this contradiction that had been spelled out so nicely
in the talks with Norbert Elias and which is no less eloquently
described in his books. His work is very much concerned with the question of
control over life – the increasing internalisation of control, if at all
previously executed in the immediate communicative act. What makes his work –
in particular the work on the Court Society – so comprehensive is the
fact that at least the sensitive reader will soon get aware of the irony in Nobert
Elias’ opus – the shift of control by the stick to that by carrots. Who
would not think of Erving Goffman and his allusion to life as a
theatre, when reading for example the two lengthily reproduced little
scenes, we find in the Court society.
‘Usually
at
This right was very exactly graded. There were six different groups of people
who were allowed to enter in turn. This was spoken of as the various entrées.
First came the Entrée familière. Taking part were above all the illegitimate
sons and grandchildren of the king (Enfants de France), princes and princesses
of the blood, the first physician, the first surgeon, the first valet and page.
Then came the Grande entrée, consisting of the grands officiers de la chamber
de la garderobe and the noble lords to whom the king had granted this honour,
Then followed the Première entré for the king's readers, the intendants for
entertainment and festivities and others. After that came the Entrée de la
chambre which included all the other officiers de la chamber together with the
grand-aumonier, the ministers and secretaries of state , the conseillers d’État,
the officers of the bodyguard, the Marshall of France and others. Admittance to
the fifth entrée depended to a certain extent on the goodwill of the first
Gentleman of the Bedchamber and, of course, on the king's favour. To this entrée
belonged gentlemen and ladies of nobility who stood in such favour that the
Gentleman of the Bedchamber admitted them; they thus had the advantage of
approaching the king before all others. Finally there was a sixth form of entry,
and this was the most sought-after of all. On this occasion, one did not enter
through the main door or the bedroom but through a back door; this entrée was
open to the sons of the king including illegitimate ones, together with their
families and sons-in-law; and also, for example, to the powerful surintendent
des bâtiment. To belong to this group was an expression of high favour; for the
people included could enter the royal cabinets at any time when the king was not
holding counsel or had begun a special task with his ministers and they could
remain in the room until the king went to mass and even when he was ill.
…
What is most striking in this is the minute exactitude of organization. But this
was not, as we can see, rational organization in the modern sense however
precisely predetermined each part of it was, but a type of organisation by which
each act received a prestige-character symbolizing the distribution of power at
the time.
…
Later, however, this connection was loosened and the nature of acts of etiquette
as prestige-fetishes emerged quite nakedly. Now the motive force that gave life
to etiquette, reproducing it over and over again in this society, becomes
particularly clear. Once the hierarchy of special rights within the etiquette
was established, it was maintained solely by the competition between the people
enmeshed in it, each being understandably anxious to preserve any privilege,
however trivial, and the power it conferred. So the mechanism perpetuated its
own ghostly existence like an economy uncoupled from its purpose of providing
the means of life.
…
The queen's levée took a similar course to that of the king. The maid of honour
had the right to pass the queen her chemise. The lady in waiting helped her put
on her petticoat and dress. But if a princess of the royal family happened to be
present, she had the right to put the chemise on the queen. On one occasion the
queen had just been completely undressed by her ladies. Her chambermaid was
holding the chemise and had just presented it to the maid of honour whet the
Duchess of Orléans came in. The maid of honour gave it back to the chambermaid
who was about to pass it to the duchess when the higher-ranking Countess of
And as much as it reminds us of Goffman’s writing and
thinking, as much it is linked to what we know from Karl Marx about the
fetish character of the capitalist production of commodities and from Max
Weber about the iron cage of bureaucracy.
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Limerick is now behind us – we are back on the straight
road, I accelerated and we reach again the speed of contemporary life. As
valuable as Immanuel Kant’s and Norbert Elias’ thoughts had
been, as much they had been more unconsciously aware of than fully accepting the
contradictory character of the society. In consequence they never thought really
of rights as a matter of social disputes. They did not think in fundamental
terms of a set of connected, interwoven rights of the “individual in and by
society”. How could they. Both had been arguing from the idealist perspective,
and both saw the individual as the point of reference – society had been seen
as a kind of instrument, as external. – Later, Niklas Luhmann created
the respective terminology. He made explicit the distinction that predominates
Western thinking. The individual, the society and the external world –
basically all could be reduced on these distinct levels, the systems, which had
been seen as independent, though mutually “influencing” entities, causing at
most a rather insignificant, though “necessary” noise. The unity had never
been seen – and this was not so much a shortcoming of social science itself,
rather than a consequence of the underdeveloped society itself. And only
historical and dialectical materialism could set an end to this individualist
and idealist approach. Actually, the solution was a very simple one, namely the
effort to reunite individual and soci(et)al action. – In no way was this the
idea of a harmonious society, on the contrary. The idea was a harmonious society
only in that sense that this society would be able to settle in one or another
way its conflicts, to foster the process for which Georg Wilhelm Friedrich
Hegel used the term Aufhebung, sublation and supersession.
‘If
man is shaped by environment, his environment must be made human. If man is
social by nature, he will develop his true nature only in society, and the power
of his nature must be measured not by the power of the separate individual but
by the power of society.’ (Karl Marx/Frederick Engels: The Holy Family or
Critique of Critical Criticism. Against Bruno Bauer and Company (1845) chapter
VI – 3; http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1845/holy-family/ch06_3_d.htm;
16.5.2002)
And is it not exactly this what social policy is basically
about –striving for humane circumstances, for social quality that acknowledges
the entity of the being?
![]()
I drive the vehicle on the car park in front of the
cottage-like restaurant – Shannon is not far anymore and we have some time
left for a tea and coffee respectively.
I do not know how
What age are they? What are their interests? What their
expectations? How far will communication be possible? She only knows a little
about them – they have at least a little bit English, they come to visit
agencies and projects working in disadvantaged areas and with disadvantaged
people and they like the Irish country for its scenery, friendliness and
cosiness. Not really much what she knows about them; neither do I know much
about them. But at the same time much of a burden – can we fulfil these
expectations. Finally we are now in a way responsible – “representatives of
‘VI [continued]
Feuerbach, who does not enter upon a criticism of this real essence, is
consequently compelled:
1. To abstract from the historical process and to fix the religious sentiment as
something by itself and to presuppose an abstract -- isolated -- human
individual.
2. Essence, therefore, can be comprehended only as "genus", as an
internal, dumb generality which naturally unites the many individuals.
VII
Feuerbach, consequently, does not see that the "religious sentiment"
is itself a social product, and that the abstract individual whom he analyses
belongs to a particular form of society.’
Is this not as well very true, when we look at the
relationship with other people.
Sitting there in the cosy Irish pub and talking with the young
woman Georg Simmel’s short piece on The Stranger comes into my
mind – actually this text was written as part of the major work, the
author published 1908 under the title Sociology. Investigations on the Forms
of Sociation. In this short piece he writes right at the beginning
‘If
wandering, considered as a state of detachment from every given point in space,
is the conceptual opposite of attachment to any point, then the sociological
form of “the stranger” presents the synthesis, as it were, of both of these
properties.’ (Georg Simmel: The Stranger [1908]; in: Georg Simmel on
individuality and social forms. Selected writings; Edited and with an
Introduction by Donald N. Levine; Chicago/London: The
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A strange location, a strange occasion to think about Simmel,
to think about sociology? Is it not more the most obvious and adequate place
to think about people such as him and about sociology – the public place,
where we socialise? Finally it is here, in the living together where sociology
has to find the own justification. Sociology cannot be anything else than a tool
for social practice – wherever this practice takes place. Looking back into
history, the analysis of seemingly abstract systemic contexts and
interconnections, the work on precise definitions and the debates on a world
between Plato and – well, at that time it was not Prodi but for example
Jean Rey, who was re-elected in 1969 as President of the European
Commission. But to be honest, besides our major concern about the violence
by American troops against the people of Cuba and Vietnam, we were more
concerned with national names anyway and for me it meant to get involved in the
ideological struggles between for example Max Reimann,[xi] Willy Brandt[xii]
and Helmut Schmidt and Johannes Rau.[xiii]
All these names – seemingly important people, the “great
men of history”. But if anything that made anyone of them really meaningful
– and that will lead to meaninglessness of others – was and is and will be
their influence on real life, on enhancing social quality, their success in
providing a space for people to live in.
Political power, thus, should not be confused with ability. As
important as it is to reject voluntarism, as important is that in one very
specific way Wilhelm Liebknecht had been entirely correct when he said
that knowledge is power and power is knowledge.
‘In
classical Greek philosophy, Reason is the cognitive faculty to distinguish what
is true and what is false insofar as truth (and falsehood) is primarily a
condition of Being, of Reality — and only on this ground a property of
propositions. True discourse, logic, reveals and expresses that which really is
as distinguished from that which appears to be (real), And by virtue of this
equation between Truth and (real) Being, Truth is a value, for Being is better
than Non-Being. The latter is not simply Nothing; it is a potentiality of and a
threat to Being — destruction. The struggle for truth is a struggle against
destruction, for the “salvation” (sozein) of Being (an effort which appears
itself to be destructive if it assails an established reality as “untrue”:
Socrates against the Athenian city-state). Inasmuch as the struggle for truth
“saves” reality from destruction, truth commits and engages human existence.
It is the essentially human project. If man has learned to see and know what
really is, he will act in accordance with truth, Epistemology is in itself
ethics, and ethics is epistemology.’ (Herbert Marcuse: The one-dimensional man
[1964]; chapter 5. Negative Thinking: The Defeated Logic of Protest; http://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/marcuse/works/onedimen/marcuse.htm,
16.5.2002)
Thus, knowledge is this instrument of power when it is gained
for supporting social quality –
the strengthening of children’s rights – be it in general or be it in
those cases where they have special needs;
the acknowledgement of the independence of psychiatry;
the recognition of the rights of those who are living with disabilities;
the right to find a social space to negotiate identity;
the right to find as well a space to live identity;
and finally the right to die in dignity.
Thus social quality, multifaceted and vague as it appears may
well serve as a common link of all the projects, of the work by Cathy,
X
The standpoint of the old materialism is civil society; the standpoint of the
new is human society, or social humanity.
XI
The philosophers have only interpreted the world, in various ways; the point is
to change it.
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So many thoughts – it is Tuesday already – just one day
left to the first of May. Sun and rain went hand in hand this day. I am standing
in the shed, and it is only now that I hear the twittering. Looking up I see my
friends in the corner; they are back – the swallows returned again to their
nest.
I know too well that one swallow does not make a summer - and
even the couple does not do so. But
it may well be that it brings a little bit of
A Spring, full of terrific hopes.
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Joan Baez: Children of the 80's
Children Of The 80’s
(Words and Music by Joan Baez)
We're
the children of the 80's, haven't we grown
We're tender as a lotus and we're tougher than stone
And the age of our innocence is somewhere in the garden
We
like the music of the 60's
We think that era must have been nifty
Flower children, Woodstock and the War
Dirty scandals, cover-ups and more
Oh, but it's getting harder to deceive us
We don't care if Dylan's gone to Jesus
Jimi Hendrix is playing o
We know Janis Joplin was the rose
And we also know that that's the way it goes
With all the stuff that she put in her arm
Don't be alarmed
We
are the children of the 80's, haven't we grown
We're tender as a lotus and we're tougher than stone
And the age of our innocence is somewhere in the garden
Some
of us are the sisters and the brothers
Who prefer the nighttime for our cover
A leather jacket and a single golden earring
Hang out at discos, rock shows, lose our hearing
Put tattoos all up and down our thighs
Do anything our parents would despise
Take uppers, downers, blues and reds and yellows
Our brains are turning to Jello
We think that life is overrated
Loneliness was underestimated
We are looking forward to the days
When we live inside of a purple haze
Where the salvation of the soul is rock and roll
We
are the children of the 80's, haven't we grown
We're tender as a lotus and we're tougher than stone
And the age of our innocence is somewhere in the garden
Some
of us may offer a surprise
Recently have you looked in our eyes
Maybe we're your conscience in disguise
We're well informed and we are wise
Please stop telling us lies
We know Afghanistan's invaded
We know Bolivia's dictated
We know America's inflated
And although we do not move in masses
We have lit our candles from your ashes
We are the warriors of the sun
The golden boys and the golden girls
For a better world
We
are the children of the 80's, haven't we grown
We're tender as a lotus and we're tougher than stone
And the age of our innocence is somewhere, somewhere in the garden
© 1981 Gabriel Earl Music (ASCAP)
http://baez.woz.org/Lyrics/children.html
- 24.5.2002
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1
Special Thanks to
[i] Erasmus Schoefer: Ein Fruehling irrer Hoffnung. Die Kinder des Sisyfos (Spring full of terrific hope. Children of Sisyphus; Koeln: Dittrich Verlag, 2001 – The book is part of a larger project of four volumes, three of them not yet published. It is a novel around the socio-plitico-cultural political history, written by somebody who participated and still participates. Even if Erasmus writes very much a German story he provides at the same time a testimony of the history of the revolutionary upheaval of the 68-generation.
[ii] Peter Grohmann; in: Dieter Blum: The flow of life. 150 years Diakonie Stetten (Der Fluss des Lebens. 150 years Diakonie Stetten); Kernen: Diakonie Stetten 1999: 78)
[iii] The quotes without any reference are all from Karl Marx: Theses on Feuerbach, written in 1845, first published in 1888 by Frederick Engels as Appendix of his text Ludwig Feuerbach and the end of the classical philosophy.
[iv]
Originally the phrase – or the orientation – goes back to Mao
Tse-tung.
By the way, the discussion on this term is very interesting – comprising the various shades between revolutionary, reformist and conservative (since recently even fascist) notions.
[v]
In later years, especially when I met him, while he was living in
[vi] This term has, of course, some attractiveness for our Irish perspective as it reminds us of the invective for the probably hate-loved members of the Travelling community, the “tinkers”. – Is it that a hint regarding the meaning the idea of a postmodern sublation and supersession of traditionalism.
[vii] The reference from communicate to the Latin mutare and mutabilis.
[viii] However, it has to be said that Norbert Elias rarely frankly talked about this non-harmonious character. Was this a kind of repression after he had to hide himself from the German fascists? Or was it due to his idealist approach, that finally prevailed his social thinking?
[xi]
Sputnik – the Russian words
translates to companion.
[x]
Soviet – translating to Council; and it makes some historical
sense to go into the metaphor of the replacement of the "Soviet threat" by
"United economic forces".
[xi] Max was a key figure in the Communist movement, namely the
then Communist Party
[xii]
Willy as first German chancellor of the Social Democratic Party was
hope and at the same time result of the student’s movement. He represented
not least openness regarding a dialogue with the socialist countries. And
everybody who knew him personally has to admit that his sometimes a little
bit squared character – thus being a little bit like Herbert Wehner –
was at the same time obliging; as such it was an expression of his
honesty, which allowed critique and fair arguments.
Of course, to mention these three names, Max Reimann, Willy Brandt
and Herbert Wehner means at the same time to qualify the earlier
remark, which suggests a little bit of disinterest in international
questions. Actually, names as Ernesto Guevara Serna (Che Guevarra), Fidel
Castro, Hô Chi Minh, not much later Salvador Allende Gossens had
been important mates. And talking of them meant at the same time that we had
been challenged to define our relationship to the system “on the other
side” as it had been disparagingly spoken of. To mention the names of for
example Erich Honecker and Leonid Iljitsch Breschnew, let
alone to mention having been in contact with them is today nearly a crime.
However, to disseminate the lie that the fascist Holocaust never happened,
as it had been recently undertaken at UCC and as it allows the victories of
right-wing parties all over
[xiii] Helmut Schmidt and Johannes Rau had been a kind of
predecessors to the currently in
Schmidt was chancellor, after Willy Brandt had to step
back not least because of a staged political scandal; Rau, today’s
Federal President was at the time leading politician on the Lander-level,
namely in North Rhine Westfalia.
In those days Gerhard and Joschka, students as well,
fought against revisionism, conservatism and hypocrisy of the first –
social democrats from the right, who did not have a smile while they
undermined internally social progress and externally the strategy of détente.
Those days they asked for substantial arguments, and together with
communists they received Berufsverbote, the exclusion from exercising
certain vocations (introduced by government decree in 1972) as answer. This
date of the introduction of the decree (Willy Brandt was chancellor
up to 1974) shows (a) that he was by no means as progressive as we saw it in
the early years; (b) however, it showed as well how much even a personality
as he was limited in his action. – The German spirit, as it has been so
expressively grasped by Heinrich Heine in the Winter Fairytale, was
still awake in the late 60s and early 70s of the last century.
Much changed in the meantime – but today we find Gerhard and
Joschka largely refraining from substantial arguments. The
competition on the international level is reduced on the nicest smile and on
the national level they compete in performing with the best suits –
internationally joining a group of new-generation social democrats, who had
been Americanised and hand this personal heritage on to their people. Those
who refuse, as Oscar Lafontaine, have only one choice, that between
leaving the political stage and “being left” by others.
And what has changed as well – that is actually background for
mentionuing these names – is the pattern of policy making.
(1) On the one hand personalities do not play such a decisive role as
they did before. Seemingly this is contradicting to the apparent
Americanisation, i.e. “personalisation” of politics. Even if this is an
undoubted fact, it has to be seen that the political process is far more
complex, not least by the – even if sometimes only pretended – inclusion
of more actors. Many of those actors who in the second half of the last
century had been part of the extra-parliamentary movement are today
incorporated, are part of negotiations on so-called partnership agreements
– the new strategy as the variation of the divide et impera. Even
if the “listening projects” of postmodern governance sometimes do
suggest being democratic and open, they are somewhat similar to the strategy
the Romans employed in the Latin War from 340-338 BC. They negotiated with
each of the Latins separately and distributed the rights of the cities
according to their individual meaning and devotion (however, the terms most
likely had not been used at the time. – We should not simply reject any
opportunities of participation in politics though we should never loose our
vigilance.
(2) And on the other hand, politics – and politicians – are
nowadays very much “international agents” and as such part of a wide
network – their “performance”, as important it is on the national
level, is at the end of the day only relevant if it finds a role on the
spectacle on the world stage. – Perhaps this is the reason behind so many
actors who succeeded in American politics, while the work has always been
done by others, all along in society and more and more in politics. (To be
clear, this is opposite to the theses Helmut Schlesky pleaded for,
when he titled a book particularly against the students movement and left
groups “The Work is always done by Others”. What I am talking about is
the parasitism of the ruling classes and politicians – at least most of
them.)