The purpose of this paper is to provide an insight into the strategies that have been used, or need to be used, in order to enable minority ethnic groups to enter higher education. To this effect the paper focuses upon processes of the engagement of minority ethnic groups within higher education rather than processes of discrimination and exclusion. The paper considers entry to higher education for both staff and students and draws on three previous research projects. The first project was a case study of non-academic employment within one university, with a particular interest in the recruitment of minority ethnic groups. The second project was an investigation of career success within the academic profession, considering the under-representation of minority ethnic groups and women in senior levels of the profession. The third project was an overview of the barriers facing minority ethnic groups wishing to enter higher education and the methods of intervention introduced by institutions to overcome some of these barriers.
Before exploring the implications of the research findings it is worth clarifying some of the terms that will be used. The context for the research projects upon which this paper draws is higher education within the United Kingdom. Therefore higher education includes universities (including the former polytechnics) and colleges providing degree level qualifications. The term minority ethnic groups includes all those individuals who would define their ethnic or cultural identity as belonging to a minority group. However, in reality the findings from the research projects tend to focus on `visible minorities', i.e.: Black groups (African, Caribbean) and Asian groups (Indian, Pakistani, Bangladeshi and Chinese). However this is not to say that some of the issues discussed are not relevant to other minority groups who may face similar disadvantages and may utilise or require similar strategies to overcome some of the barriers faced.
The aim of the paper is to focus on processes of engagement which enable those from minority ethnic groups to enter higher education. Engagement is used in some ways in opposition to ideas of exclusion and discrimination. Discussion of minority ethnic groups often concentrates upon both exclusion and discrimination, which are inherently negative processes, therefore tending to overlook the very notable success of large numbers of individuals from minority ethnic groups, especially in relation to their engagement in higher education in the UK. Engagement is used in preference to the usual oppositional term of inclusion which implies a sense of passivity on behalf of those from minority ethnic groups. The term engagement is used to cover processes which are used or developed by those from minority groups as well as processes which result from the actions of majority groups. The term is also used to suggest that it is the responsibility of majority groups in higher education to actively engage with minority ethnic groups in order to develop processes which overcome any barriers to entry.
This research project considered non-academic employment within one university and had a particular focus on the recruitment of minority ethnic groups. The case study institution is located in an area where there is a relatively high proportion of people from minority ethnic groups in the local population. The institution has an equal opportunities policy, an equal opportunities group, carries out ethnic monitoring of its recruitment, has run equal opportunities training sessions for those involved in recruitment and has issued equality in recruitment guidance for managers.
A survey carried out for the UK's Commission for Racial Equality in 1986 found the development of equal opportunities policies in higher education to be very uneven. 1 In their more recent study, Heward and Taylor found that despite the growing number of higher education institutions advertising themselves as having an equal opportunities policy 'progress in the implementation of equal opportunities policies .... is unimpressive, foundering at the stage of monitoring'. 2 A yet more recent survey carried out by the Commission on University Career Opportunity (CUCO) showed that progress had been greater on the introduction of formal policies than on the action to implement them. 3
The monitoring data in the case study institution has been available for a number of years. It revealed a simple and consistent story. Applicants from minority ethnic groups have recently begun to apply for posts within the university in greater numbers in all sectors of employment. Their application rates are not as high as might be expected from the local population. However, the application success rates being recorded have dropped in recent years and are greater than could be attributed to the recession and increased labour market competition. The data also revealed consistent gender variations, female minority ethnic applicants being far more likely to be shortlisted than their male counterparts, but at an even lower rate than white women. The main difficulty revealed for those from minority ethnic groups was the apparent inability to convert selection for interview into appointment. Additionally, for minority ethnic applicants the chances of being offered an interview appeared to have worsened rather than improved over time.
Interviews with those responsible for recruitment revealed some of the difficulties faced by the university as a recruiter. Often an explanation for the lack of minority ethnic appointments was that `they do not apply for vacancies'. Recruiters therefore often found difficulty drawing up shortlists which included some minority ethnic applicants. On the applicants' side the most frequently cited issue which hindered application was that the university was seen as elitist, remote, unattainable. This was reinforced by the quest for excellence generally within higher education and the organisation's position in league tables. The university was also not seen as part of the `real world' and often thought to only employ academic staff. There was a lack of awareness about the numerous other job opportunities across the range of manual, technical, clerical and administrative areas. These views were shared by other major local employers who also saw the university in this way whilst being in direct competition for certain types of employment. Local minority ethnic community groups also expressed similar views about the university and believed such views of the university to be a major barrier to encouraging minority ethnic applicants for advertised posts.
For university employees from minority ethnic groups many of these stereotyped preconceptions had been proved wrong after their appointment. Their experiences once within the institution were, in a number of ways, quite different to their original preconceptions. Many also felt that although pay did not often compare very favourably with other major local employers other benefits of working at the university acted as compensation. Examples of such compensation which were given included: transportation to and from work provided by the university for some categories of staff, the general environment of the campus and access to a range of facilities including library and sports facilities.
The explanation for the relatively low levels of applications from minority ethnic groups was therefore thought to be the result of barriers to information networks about the employment opportunities available at the university. When greater access to information networks did exist a greater proportion of applicants from minority ethnic groups was normally found. Particular examples of this were found in some areas of service employment where minority ethnic communities were made aware of opportunities by existing employees. This process clearly operates in a similar way to `word of mouth' recruitment, but in this case it operates to overcome inequalities in information and acts to encourage applicants rather than guarantee appointment.
Studies of the professions draw attention to the importance of power structures in the processes of closure among professionalising occupational groups. 4 The position of members of minority ethnic groups and women in the academic profession is of particular interest because of its importance for the education and professional socialisation of many other professional groups. The expansion of higher education and the increasingly diverse student body 5 mean that diversity amongst academic staff assumes increasing significance. The research project interviewed senior academics about how they had achieved their position and their explanations for the absence of minority ethnic groups and women in the profession. Two contrasting subject areas of Law and Biology were selected to represent the social sciences and the natural sciences. These two particular subjects were selected due to the relatively high proportion of both minority ethnic and female undergraduates on such courses. The expectation being that with high proportions of these two groups at undergraduate entry level the likelihood of individuals from these groups entering the academic profession was higher than for some other subject areas.
Success in the academic profession is largely based on reputation. Peer evaluation of intellectual work, theses, publications, conference papers and research applications form the basis of this reputation. Respondents varied in the extent to which they saw making a reputation as a conscious activity. A number of respondents initially put their success down to `luck' or being in the right place at a certain time or carrying out research in an area that became particularly significant. However, details revealed later in the interviews often showed that there were certain key events which occurred which were not just a matter of luck.
There were also distinct subject cultures in which individuals had to operate. Success often being reliant upon the extent to which individuals were able to engage with the particular subject culture. For example a typically successful career in biology relied upon an early training within a number of prestigious international research locations, involving long hours of laboratory work. This training was then typically followed by research success including obtaining large research grants. This type of career pattern most easily fitting with high levels of geographic mobility and low levels of caring responsibilities for family or relatives. In law success was more likely to be based on the publication of a key teaching text, practical involvement with the legal profession and a good teaching reputation. This pattern provided greater flexibility of working time and did not require high levels of geographic mobility.
The role of a significant mentor was frequently mentioned as a key part of individuals' success. Encouragement from mentors enabled respondents to have self-confidence and a positive evaluation of their own abilities. Mentors also acted as a means of introduction to the informal networks within the subject culture in which the ability of respondents was made known.
Members of minority ethnic groups were often seen in stereotypical ways, thought to lack the abilities necessary for an academic career. Such racial stereotypes are likely to affect the self confidence of potential entrants to the academic profession from minority ethnic groups. One Asian respondent felt that as an undergraduate he 'wasn't very bright because all these people were speaking so wonderfully with their public school accents'. It was not until receiving his examination results that he was made aware of his true abilities. The significance of stereotypes in the role of gatekeepers to the profession was clearly indicated. One professor considered students from the local minority ethnic populations to be 'diligent' and 'assiduous' but 'not to have an enquiring mind'. Another professor, in a department where a third of the students were from minority ethnic groups stated that he would like to appoint more minority ethnic applicants but the few applicants he had considered were 'not of the right calibre'. Another minority ethnic respondent was encouraged to think of himself as able but this evaluation of his qualifications and abilities was not borne out in his labour market experiences, it taking him an extremely long time to obtain an academic position.
Therefore engagement of minority ethnic groups in the academic profession is reliant upon connecting with the power relations that exist within subject communities. The judgements of gatekeepers and mentors are crucial to the process of making a reputation, patronage and networking. Some of the key difficulties to overcome are the stereotypes held by gatekeepers which devalue, marginalise and exclude them from routes to power. As with teaching in other areas of education the negative experience of minority ethnic groups as pupils or students is likely to make the academic profession a low choice among career options.
The opportunity of studying the ethnic origin of applicants to higher education in the UK on a national scale first arose in 1990. This was the first year in which both the Polytechnic Central Admissions System (PCAS) and the Universities Central Council on Admissions (UCCA) both asked an ethnic monitoring question on their application forms. Since 1993 the Universities and Colleges Admissions Service (UCAS) has become responsible for co-ordinating entry to higher education in the UK, and hence the ethnic monitoring of applicants.
Although they may be disadvantaged in many ways ethnic minorities are not under-represented in higher education. Analysis of admissions data has revealed that some minority ethnic groups are over-represented in higher education relative to their representation in the relevant population which refutes 'the long standing claim of under-representation'. 6 Despite this general finding it is important to remember that the results from this monitoring also reveal that 'application and admission patterns vary tremendously depending on the location of institutions, its reputation and subject availability'. 7 Patterns of participation further reveal that minority ethnic students are concentrated into particular types of institutions, especially former polytechnics in large urban areas, and specific subject areas of study, generally those subjects that are more vocationally orientated. 8
Participation in higher education is affected primarily by prior educational attainment levels. Previous research 9 has shown that those from minority ethnic groups are disadvantaged in a number of ways due to their prior educational attainment. Generally they tend to have lower A level results than white applicants or are more likely to have non-A level entry qualifications. In addition women within each ethnic group tend to have lower average A level scores than men within the same group. Additionally minority ethnic groups are also more likely to have obtained their A levels through taking resit examinations than white applicants. These resit results are often given less value in the admissions process. However, there remain a number of unexplained differences in entry success rates among those with similar qualifications which may be the result of direct or indirect discrimination against those from minority ethnic groups.
Entry success is affected by a range of factors which Singh 10 separated into the internal and external. Internal factors are associated with individual characteristics such as ability, motivation and aspirations. Certain influential factors will help to determine these characteristics. Ethnic minority groups place a much higher value on education than others. 11 This is often shown by the degree of encouragement and support provided by the family. External factors concern available opportunities which facilitate or restrict access to higher education. Attending schools with good academic records that are geared towards entry to higher education is a very important facilitating factor. Discrimination and harassment adversely affect the opportunities of those from ethnic minority groups. In addition the ethos of an institution may discourage applications from particular ethnic groups. For example, if there is not an existing body of students from a similar background students may be discouraged from studying away from home at that institution.
Students from minority ethnic groups face additional difficulties because there are often low expectations of their abilities by teachers and careers officers which are reinforced by guidance advice whilst at school. Other factors may also affect success rates such as a positive preference for the subjects and modes of study offered by some institutions, especially more vocationally orientated subjects. Also minority ethnic groups are more likely to study whilst living at home which may be an important support mechanism, but may also restrict institutional choice and hence success rate. However, this is an increasing trend among the majority of students.
This research project considered a range of engagement processes in existence within higher education in the UK with the aim of increasing or enabling the participation of students from minority ethnic groups. These existing interventions assisting students to overcome barriers to entry to higher education can be categorised into four main areas:
The purpose of a Compact is to focus on students of ability who might not consider applying for higher education and encourage them to think of higher education as a possibility. Particular target groups are students from socio-economic groups who are under-represented in higher education and students from ethnic minorities. Compacts aim to create a close relationship between universities and the school or college concerned. They might involve reciprocal visits of staff and students, and other events which help pupils become familiar with the university, interested in what it offers and encourage them to apply.
A number of institutions identified schemes which in nature are very similar to Compacts but do not appear to have close links with particular local educational providers. These schemes provide similar alternative routes to applicants that have experienced some disadvantage, for example health, outside circumstances, change of programme, moving between schools or colleges. These schemes also seek to encourage applications from those who might not previously have thought of applying to university or those who feel that the present admissions patterns might not enable them to show their best side. They must be able to demonstrate the capability to tackle a degree course and that they would benefit from it.
Other interventions in the admissions process are more general in approach and can be loosely covered by the description of outreach in order to generally encourage an increase in the number of applications to university, sometimes from certain groups. This often acts as a process of familiarisation where possible applicants are introduced to the idea of HE and some of the mystery about its relevance to themselves is tackled. One way in which a number of HE institutions are involved in outreach activities is through the use of current students. In such cases students are sent out to schools to act as advocates of the institution and HE generally. They may make a presentation with school pupils, hold discussions and answer any questions pupils have.
Through the introduction of supplementary education provision several universities seek to directly address issues of disadvantage. These activities are often designed to provide certain skills that students are lacking which would either harm their chances of successful application to higher education or mean they were disadvantaged once within HE. Some of these schemes are designed to provide skills to assist individuals undertaking a change in direction, such as a return to work or higher education. In this situation the target group is usually adults rather than young people.
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Brennan, J. and McGeevor, P., Ethnic Minorities and the Graduate Labour Market; Commission for Racial Equality; London; 1990.
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Connolly, C., 'Shades of Discrimination: university entry 1990-1992, in The Student Experience, Haselgrove, S. (ed.); Open University Press; Milton Keynes; 1994.
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Johnson, T., Professions and Power; Macmillan; London; 1972.
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Parkin, Marxism and Class Theory: A bourgeois critique; Tavistock; London; 1979.
Penn, R. and Scattergood, H., 'Ethnicity and Career Aspirations in Contemporary Britain' in New Community, Vol. 19(1); 1992.
Schuller, T., (ed.), The Future of Higher Education; Open University Press; Milton Keynes; 1991.
Singh, R., 'Ethnic Minority Experience in Higher Education' in Higher Education Quarterly, Vol. 44(4); 1990.
Tanna, K., 'Excellence, Equality and Educational Reform: The Myth of South Asian Achievement Levels' in New Community, Vol. 16(3); 1990.
Tapper, T. and Salter, B., Oxford, Cambridge and the Changing Idea of the University: the challenge to donnish dominion; Open University Press; Milton Keynes; 1992.
Taylor, P., Ethnic Group Data for University Entry, Research report for the Committee of Vice-Chancellors and Principals; Centre for Research in Ethnic Relations; University of Warwick; Coventry; 1992 (a).
Taylor, P., 'Ethnic group data and applications to higher education' in Higher Education Quarterly, Vol 46(4); Autumn 1992 (b).
Taylor, P., 'Minority Ethnic groups and gender in access to higher education' in New Community, Vol. 19(3); April 1993.
Williams, J., Cocking, J. and Davies, L., Words or Deeds? A Review of equal opportunities policies in higher education; Commission for Racial Equality; London; 1989.
1 J. Williams; J. Cocking and L. Davies, Words or Deeds? A Review of equal opportunities policies in higher education; Commission for Racial Equality; London; 1989.Return to Main Text
2 C. Heward and P. Taylor, 'Women at the top in higher education: equal opportunities in action?' in Policy and Politics, Vol.20(2); 1992. P.111.Return to Main Text
3 Commission on University Career Opportunity, A Report on Universities' Policies and Practices on Equal Opportunities in Employment; CUCO; London; 1994.Return to Main Text
4 T. Johnson, Professions and Power; Macmillan; London; 1972.Return to Main Text
Parkin, Marxism and Class Theory: A bourgeois critique; Tavistock; London; 1979.
E. Friedson, Professional Powers: a study of the institutionalisation of formal knowledge; University of Chicago Press; Chicago; 1986.
5 C. Ball and H. Eggins (eds.), Higher Education into the 1990's: new dimensions; Open University Press; Milton Keynes; 1989.
T. Schuller (ed.), The Future of Higher Education; Open University Press; Milton Keynes; 1991.
T. Tapper and B. Salter, Oxford, Cambridge and the Changing Idea of the University: the challenge to donnish dominion; Open University Press; Milton Keynes; 1992.Return to Main Text
6 T. Modood, 'The number of ethnic minority students in British higher education: some grounds for optimism' in Oxford Review of Education, Vol. 12(3); 1993.Return to Main Text
7 P. Taylor, 'Minority Ethnic groups and gender in access to higher education' in New Community, Vol. 19(3); April 1993. P. 439.Return to Main Text
8 C. Connolly, 'Shades of Discrimination: university entry 1990-1992, in The Student Experience, Haselgrove, S. (ed.); Open University Press; Milton Keynes; 1994.
T. Modood, 1993. op. cit.T. Modood and M. Shiner, Ethnic Minorities and Higher Education: why are there differential rates of entry? PSI/UCAS; London; 1994.
P. Taylor, Ethnic Group Data for University Entry, Research report for the Committee of Vice-Chancellors and Principals; Centre for Research in Ethnic Relations; University of Warwick; Coventry; 1992 (a).
P. Taylor, 'Ethnic group data and applications to higher education' in Higher Education Quarterly, Vol 46(4); Autumn 1992 (b).
P. Taylor, 1993, op. cit.Return to Main Text
9 P. Taylor, 1992(a), 1992(b), 1993, op. cit.Return to Main Text
10 R. Singh, 'Ethnic Minority Experience in Higher Education' in Higher Education Quarterly, Vol. 44(4); 1990.Return to Main Text
11 R. Penn and H. Scattergood, 'Ethnicity and Career Aspirations in Contemporary Britain' in New Community, Vol. 19(1); 1992.
J. Brennan and P. McGeevor, Ethnic Minorities and the Graduate Labour Market; Commission for Racial Equality; London; 1990.
K. Tanna, 'Excellence, Equality and Educational Reform: The Myth of South Asian Achievement Levels' in New Community, Vol. 16(3); 1990.Return to Main Text