Quien se muda, Dios le ayuda. God helps him that changes, saith the Spanish proverb. It hath not been my fortune to verify this saying, for though I have changed from a civil to a military life, my fortune hitherto hath been retrograde and gone in diminution. Yet no man has more reason to bless and praise the infinite goodness of God, who has brought me safe out of all dangers, and preserved me in entire health in all the hardships I have gone through. This I look upon to be Melioris tessera fati, and hope God has reserved me for some better fate that I may see my sovereign victorious and partake of the fruits of peace, as I have borne my part in the calamities of war, and that such as shall see me happy and peruse this compendium of my sorrows may say, Dulcia quam meruit, qui tam gustavit amara.
Having received my commission I made all the haste my want would admit of to go to the regiment, and being furnished with a good horse by Major Price, I set out from Dublin on Tuesday the 20th of August, and went that night to Drogheda where the regiment was then in quarters. Here I continued some days, and hoping to return soon into England, where I had left a collection of my former travels and in it some description of this town, I forbore to take any notes, and shall only add that it is twenty miles from Dublin. There happened nothing remarkable, nor did we stir till Thursday, September the 5th, when we marched out and encamped, many regiments in number but most very weak, on the south side the town. We spent several days here exercising and furnishing the men with what necessaries the time would allow of. The army daily increased in numbers,
and expressed a great alacrity and readiness to march towards the enemy, though most of the men were very raw and undisciplined, and the generality almost naked or at least very ragged and ill shod.On the state of the troops see the letters of Avaux to Louvois, March 23, 1689; Avaux to Louis, March 26; Avaux to Louvois, May 6—there is a careful account of the expenditure annexed; Avaux to Louvois, May 12; Avaux to Louis, May 27; Avaux to Louvois, June 7, with a list of the price of clothes; Avaux to Louis, June 26; Avaux to Louvois, June 26; Avaux to Louis, July 10; Louvois to Avaux, June 13; Avaux to Louvois, July 10; Avaux to Croissy, July 26; Avaux to Louvois, July 26; Avaux to Louis, July 28; Avaux to Louvois, July 28, with details of the equipment; Avaux to Louvois, August 9; Escots to Avaux, August 29; Avaux to Louis, September 20; Avaux to Louvois, September 20; Avaux to Louvois, October 21; Avaux to Louis, October 31; Avaux to Louvois, October 30; Avaux to Louis, November 24; Avaux to Croissy, November 24; Avaux to Louvois, November 26 and November 27; Avaux to Seignelay, November 27; Avaux to Louvois, December 6; the addenda also give valuable details. The following quotation is from the letter of Avaux to Louvois, September 20: Mais, Monsieur, quoyqu'il soit vray que les soldats paroissent fort resolus à bien faire, et qu'ils soieut fort animez contre les rebelles, neantmoins il ne suffit pas de cela pour combattre, et nous manquons de beaucoup de choses: nous avons peu d'officiers generaux sur qui l'on puisse compter; les officiers subalternes sont bien plus mauvais, et à la reserve d'un tres petit nombre, il n'y en a point qui ayt soin des soldats, des armes, de la discipline; et j'aprehende beaucoup que les soldats ne se decouragent lorsqu'ils ne verront pas des officiers à leur teste qui les menent hardiment; d'ailleurs beaucoup de soldats ne sont point armez, les autres le sont mal, et de ceux qui le sont bien, il y en a une partie qui n'ont jamais tiré, on n'oseroit mesme leur donner de la poudre pour les exercer, parce que nous n'en avons à l'armée que soixante et dix barils, le reste estant à Athlone, à Lymerick, et à Kork, sans que le Roy sceust où estoit une partie de ces munitions, dont on n'a eu connoissance que depuis quelques jours. La negligence, Monsieur, a esté si grande, qu'il y a encore dans le magazin de Dublin, huit mille fers à picques que vous avez envoyés, sans qu'on en ayt monté pas un; il est vray, Monsieur, qu'on fait à cette heure beaucoup de diligence, soit pour remettre l'artillerie, soit pour habiller les soldats, mais il n'est pas possible de faire tout en si peu de temps, parce qu'on ne trouve pas mesme des draps suffisamment, ny des ouvriers pour travailler. L'artillerie est en plus mauvais ordre que tout le reste; nous n'avons que dix petites pieces, dont il y en a six qui ne seroient propres qu'à mettre à la teste d'un bataillon; point de canonniers, et le commissaire d'artillerie qui nous reste, fort ignorant, à ce que m'ont dit les officiers generaux.
On the state of Schomberg's troops see Kazner, i. 310. The only creditable and hopeful part of the army were the horse, who were for the most part good men, well armed and mounted, but their number not very great.
Saturday the 14th:Kazner, ii. 303. On the 13th and 14th and 19th of September Schomberg notes that il ne s'est rien passé de nouveau.
These entries also occur on the 28th, 29th and 30th of September, and on the 1st of October. advice being given that the rebels
advanced from Dundalk, the whole army marched through Drogheda to Ardee, which is eight miles: a rich and fertile country, a good way the weather being dry, and we marching over the green fields. We encamped on the south side the river along the sides of the hills, having the town on the left. Many regiments lay this night in the open air for want of tents, it being too late to build huts. The night was, though fair, extreme cold, but our forward hopes made all things easy.
Sunday the 15th: detachments were drawn out to fetch wood and straw, and the rest of the day spent in building the huts. The post of our regiment was the left of the second line, there being but three elder regiments in the field. About midnight the alarm beat furiously, the whole army was under arms very readily, and having continued so a while returned, it being a false alarm given on purpose to try how quick the men could be drawn up in case of any surprise.
Monday the 16th: His Majesty in person with a great body of horse marched to discover the enemy's motion, and, finding they kept close having met no opposition upon the way, sent orders for the army to march,Kazner, i. 310–11. James's army which was so considerably superior had now advanced nearer them and was endeavouring by every means to entice Schomberg's from its advantageous position and to bring about an engagement. At one time they attacked his outposts so that the whole army might come to their help, at another detachments of them approached his lines to cause sallies to be made or to favour desertions which they sought to encourage by scattering abroad patents of pardon. On the 21st the whole Irish army, almost two cannon-shots in width, were seen before the English camp in full battle array. But because Schomberg knew how difficult it was to keep in order people who had never been in similar circumstances, when once the action had begun, so he commanded that no cannon should be fired till the enemy was within musket-shot. Let them be,
Schomberg calmly answered his eager officers who wished to fight immediately, we will see what will become of them.
And in fact they, when they perceived this demeanour, retired on the 6th of October to Ardee, entrenched themselves there likewise and began to succumb to their own strength. That is, they had in the hope of a speedy engagement laid waste everything in the neighbourhood, and by this means made it impossible to provide properly for such a number of men who had joined the camp more to get their own maintenance than to render actual service.
James wanted a battle before his troops were scattered by the bad season, while Schomberg counselled delay till troops arrived from Scotland.
C'est la même raison,
the latter maintains, qui empêche les ennemis de pouvoir m'obliger à une bataille, puisqu'il faut qu'ils viennent à moi par deux ou trois grands chemins seulement, le reste étant entrecoupé de marais, qui m'empêche aussi d'aller à eux, ayant une petite rivière et quelques montagnes devant eux
(Ibid. ii. 326–7). Kazner, i. 313; Nairne Papers, D.N. i, f. 42, James to Lord Waldegrave: on the 6th of September, we came with them within three miles of Dundalk, where Schomberg lies encamped. Since which time we have often offered him occasions of battle. We have omitted nothing that might provoke him to it by excursions of parties to his out guards, by foraging near his camp, and consuming with fire what we could not transport; yet he continues within his trenches without accepting a battle or even a fair skirmish, although his parties have been often much superior in number to ours.
which was not done till the next day, being
Tuesday the 17th: when the whole army decamped, and, the ground taken up to encamp being bare of trees, every soldier was obliged to carry some of the wood for building of their huts, which, notwithstanding, many would drop by the way rather than carry so far, though afterwards they found the want of it, being forced to lie that night without shelter, and the next day to go far for wood. This day's march was about six miles, the king's quarters at a village near Fane Bridge, where His Majesty lay in a little thatched cabin, there being never a better house near. The whole army encamped in two lines along the fields on the left of the village as far as Allardstown Bridge,Avaux to Seignelay, December 6, 1689. having the river before them for a defence, and our outguards upon the passes. This is about four miles from Dundalk, on all sides a pleasant and fruitful country, though not so beautified with good fences as it deserves or is usual in England. Here we lay still and nothing remarkable happened till
Saturday the 21st: by break of day the whole army was drawn out and marched in two columns, the one over Fane,Le Roi y étoit arrivé, et par les soins du Duc de Tirconel il avoit ramassé une armée de vingt-deux mille hommes assez mal armés: il resolut de se porter en avant; et en effet nous marchâmes à Affane, à trois milles de Dundalk, où Schomberg étoit campé avec toute son armée, composée de vingt mille hommes. Peu de jours après, le Roi mit l'armée en bataille dans une plaine à la vue des ennemis, pour leur offrir le combat; mais ils demeurerent dans leur poste, et nous dans notre camp, jusqu'à la fin d'Octobre que nous nous retirâmes en quartiers d'hiver.
On the 27th of September, 1689, Schomberg wrote to William: Ce que je puis juger de l'état de l'ennemi, est que le Roi Jacques ayant ramassé en ce royaume tout ce qu'il a pû, voudroit bien en venir à une bataille avant que ses troupes se pussent dissiper par la mauvais saison dans laquelle nous allons entrer.
In the hope of provoking Schomberg to battle James did not go into winter quarters till the 3rd of November. Mémoires de Berwick, i. 63–4; Dalrymple, ii, part ii, book iv, appendix, 33–4, 36, 43, 55; Macpherson, i. 312–13; Clarke, ii. 378–84.
the other over Allardstown Bridge, up to the face of the enemy's camp with intention to draw them to a battle, some of our horse and dragoons making up very close to the passes upon the river that covered the enemies, who kept themselves very close, not appearing at all without their entrenchments, which were strong and well backed with cannon and lined with musketeers. Having stood there a considerable time and there being no possibility of forcing their works, nor our condition enforcing us to press too far being both more healthy and better supplied than were the rebels, we returned to our camp. Great was the general satisfaction of all menKazner, ii. 307: James advanced environ à deux portées de canon de notre camp
and withdrew. Nous ne pénétrons pas encore son dessein. S'il est venu pour combattre il a fait un vilain pas, de s'en retourner sans le faire. Mais peut-être peut il avoir d'autres desseins. Nous entendions le Houssay de ses troupes partout où il passoit.
that we had braved the enemy in their works, and not so much as upon our retreat received the least token of their inclination to fight. This was no small confirmation of what we had been informed before that many were ready and willing to desert, who only wanted the opportunity, and therefore it was supposed SchombergSchomberg was born in 1615 and died in 1690. kept his men close in the trenches to prevent the possibility of making their escape. Nor was this all our intelligence gave us to understand, and it was afterwards confirmed that the flux raged amongst them whereof vast numbers died daily. The weather continued very various, sometimes great rains, then very sharp weather, then foggy and mizzling. From this time there happened nothing worth relating till
Friday the 27th: the rebels fired all their great guns three times and several volleys of small shot, which they performed with incomparable exactness not one shot falling out of time. This we were informed was for joy of some advantage gained by the rebels at Sligo, which they represented as very considerable to keep up the hearts of their
fainting men, yet afterwards it was found to be a mere fiction.Kazner, i. 306, ii. 310. It was not a mere fiction, for five hundred Inniskillings gained a victory near Sligo. They crossed the Curlew mountains and astonished the outposts of Colonel O'Kelly by their vigorous attack. Over two hundred and fifty were killed, three hundred captured, including Colonel O'Kelly, and eight thousand head of cattle taken. Schomberg was so delighted with this success that he paraded the regiment at Dundalk, the veteran riding along the whole line with head uncovered. Avaux to Louvois, November 24 and November 26; Avaux to Louis, November 28; Avaux to Seignelay, December 6.
Saturday the 28th: passed without anything of note, and Sunday the 29th was only remarkable for a most violent storm of wind and rain, which lasted the whole day but ceased at night. The next day proved fair, and very cold with a northerly wind. The three days following warmer but very wet.
Friday and Saturday, the 4th and 5th of October: the weather was more favourable. The first of these days was sent out a detachment towards the mountains, the design as was said to rescue some prisoners that were kept under a slight guard at Carlingford. They returned the day following without effecting anything, the enterprise being discovered to the enemy, of whom meeting some small party in the mountains they had killed fourteen without any loss on our side. This last night also orders were given to march at break of day. Whilst the army continued encamped in this place it suffered no want of anything that was necessary. There was plenty of forage for the horse, besides what was destroyed to endamage the enemy, which was a great quantity that lay close under their camp, and which they never made any attempt to defend, though our parties burnt it in open day to see to draw them out. The country abounded with straw and corn which served both to lie upon and cover our huts wherewith we supplied the want of tents, there being very few in the army, and even such as had them made huts as being both warmer, and drier. The army was punctually paid, and the brass money passed as current and was of equal value with silver,Avaux to Louvois, March 29, 1689: car il est à remarquer que tout l'argent se peze en Irlande
; Avaux to Louvois, April 14 and July 10 (two letters of this date); Avaux to Louis, November 24; Louvois to Avaux, November 11; Avaux to Louvois, February 1, 1690; Avaux to Louis, February 11; Louvois to Avaux, January 5. which made the camp so plentiful of
provisions that I have seen a good carcass of beef sold for eight (shillings), and commonly for ten or twelve, good mutton for twelve or thirteen pence a quarter, geese for six or eight pence a piece, and so proportionably of all sorts of provision.Avaux to Louvois, July 10, 1689; Avaux to Louis, October 21; Avaux to Louis, November 24. In the second letter Avaux writes: Comme les Protestans ont remporté en Angleterre une bonne partie des marchandises qui estoient en ce pays cy, et que l'on y a consumé le reste, et que toutes les denrées, comme vin, sel, et autres choses, venant des pays estrangers, sont aussy consumées, tout est icy dans une cherté epouvantable: il n'y a presque plus de sel, d'eau de vie, ny de vin, et la piece de vin de Bourdeaux, qui vaut en France, à ce que je croy, quatorze ou quinze frans, et que l'on vendoit en ce pays cy (tous les droits du Roy et toutes les encheres payées), vingt ou vingt escus, ne se peut avoir à cette heure que pour quatre vingt; et s'il n'en vient point de France, il n'y a pas de vin pour deux mois dans tout Dublin. II n'y a plus de drap pour habiller les troupes, et encore moins de toile; de sorte qu'il n'y a pas le quart des soldats de l'armée qui ayent de chemises, et ceux qui en ont n'en ont qu'une.
In the last letter Avaux writes: Le Roy d'Angleterre est donc arrivé à Dublin, le 18 de ce mois, où nous avons trouvé les choses tellement rencheries, que je ne scay comment les gens de mediocre condition pourront subsister; le bled qui valloit douze ou treize chelins le baril en coute trente cinq, le vin est triplé de prix, et on ne peut en avoir que par amis; ce qu'on avoit de bois et de charbon pour un escu en coute quatre, et il faut envoyer bien loin à la campagne pour en pouvoir trouver; il n'y a ny estoffe, ny drap, ny toilles, dans cette ville (i. e. Dublin), ny aucunes marchandises de France; une once de soye s'y vend jusques à deux ecus. Si cela continue, il sera impossible qu'on y puisse subsister; la monnoye de cuivre a esté la premiere chose qui a tout fait encherir; mais la principale est la consumation qui s'est faite de tout ce qu'on apportoit icy, principalement d'Angleterre; l'avidité des marchands qui veulent se prevaloir de l'occasion y a quelque part, aussi bien que l'impunité de ceux qui excedent, comme on a veu en ce qui regarde la cherté du pain, car on a decouvert la friponnerie de quelques boulangers qui faisoient eux mesmes vendre le bled au marché et l'achetoient fort cher, demandant ensuitte au maire que le pain fust taxé sur le prix courant.
Cf. C.S.P., Dom., 1693, 348, 371. At the head-quarters French wines and brandy were at twelvepence the bottle, and at several sutlers throughout the camp at one shilling and sixpence. The scarcest thing was ale, and yet no great want of it at threepence per quart. The camp was a daily market plentifully furnished,Yet see Kazner, i, footnote on p. 310. Only by exemplary punishments of all insults offered to country people had Schomberg brought it about that as it were an open market was held in his camp by means of which a check was placed on the imposition of the victuallers and the most urgent necessities were provided for.
unless some
few days when the extremity of bad weather permitted not the country people to travel. There may be assigned three reasons of this resort of provisions to the army. First the want of buyers in the market towns most of the Protestants being fled, and the Catholics being either in the army or retired for fear of the rebels and even of our own men. Secondly the natural inclination of the people towards the army that restrained the enemy from making roads into the country. And thirdly the good order observed, whereby the soldiers were restrained from committing any outrages
upon the people, which made them have recourse to us the more freely.
Sunday the 6th: at break of day we fired all the huts, and the wind blowing the same way we were to march carried such a cloud of smoke along with it, the thickness of the weather keeping it down, that it blinded us for a considerable space, and thereby several battalions were put into such disorder that it appeared more like a flight than the retreat of an army that had laid so long to brave its enemies, and had they been near enough to make use of the opportunity they had with little danger put us into a great consternation. Had the rebels but stirred the least in order to molest us upon our march, there happened another accident which might have been of a very fatal consequence, and this was that not only the foot but all the horse and dragoons were marched above two miles, leaving behind not only His Majesty's baggage but his person in his quarters with only, his troop of guards, notwithstanding some regiments of horse and dragoons had been ordered to attend him, who nevertheless marched away after the rest till General Rosen himself came up and caused the whole army to halt and face about. His Majesty being come up we continued our march to Ardee, where we encamped on the north side of the river having the town on our left. In this encampment our lines were not very regular by reason of the ill disposition of the ground.
Monday the 7th: we continued in the same place. At
night received orders for Sir Charles Kearney'sBefore Schomberg landed Sir Charles Kearney was sent to Coleraine with one or two regiments, and another sent higher up the Bann; but when he landed at Bangor Kearney retired for fear of being cut off by the enemy
(Clarke, ii. 372, 397). At the battle of the Boyne he commanded the reserve. brigade to remove the next morning. This brigade consisted of the regiments of the Lord Grand Prior and Colonel Thomas Butler of Kilcash, which were joined, and Colonel Dillon's, which contained two battalions. The reason of their removal was because the ground they were in was very low, and the season being extreme wet there was danger of the water rising so as to come into their huts, and no dry space before them to draw up.
Tuesday the 18th: the aforesaid brigade marched to upon a high ground about three miles from Ardee, on the right of all the army and towards the seaside upon the road that goes from Dundalk to Drogheda. Here we encamped, and the Earl of Clanricarde'sThe Earl of Clanricarde's Regiment had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, major, fourteen captains, fourteen lieutenants, sixteen ensigns, chaplain, and surgeon. There were thirteen companies and 735 men (Brit. Mus. list). Avaux gives 350 men.
The Earl of Clanricarde sat in the House of Lords in 1689. When Louis wanted to receive Irish soldiers for service in France letters were written to him, Viscount Clare, and Viscount Dillon, proposing that each regiment should consist of sixteen companies of a hundred men each. Clanricarde raised his regiment, but he did not want to send his son and heir with it to France. For his share in the articles of Limerick, James attacked him, for he, considering with others nothing but their own security, made haste to surrender it.
Clanricarde, however, had lost his two sons, for one was slain and the other a prisoner, although he afterwards recovered his liberty. Moreover, he lost the majority of his followers at Aughrim. and Cormuck O'Neill's regiments of foot joined us; the latter consisted of two battalions, and on the left we had the Lord Dungan's Dragoons. All the horse were quartered in the neighbouring villages and country houses. Many days we lay here without any manner of action, the enemy keeping close in their quarters notwithstanding our horse drew daily near to provoke them. The extremity of the weather brought many inconveniences and bred much sickness in our camp. For the most part the rains were so violent that neither huts nor tents could keep out the water, and the earth was so soaked that we were not only wet in the
day but had no conveniency of lying dry the night, many of the soldiers' huts being a foot deep in water, till by making breaches without them some remedy was applied to that inconveniency. What small intervals of fair weather there were, being not sufficient to dry the earth, and the winds at those times for the most part so boisterous that they were almost as prejudicial and offensive as the rains, which had also caused a scarcity of fuel, the turf bogs being overflowed and though there was some wood the army being ill furnished with conveniences for cutting of it. This rigour of the season brought with it other inconveniences, for it much hindered the recourse of the country people with provisions, and in this particular the officers suffered more than the soldiers, who ranging about either bought or stole cattle and had ammunition bread, which was not allowed the officers. But flesh was the least of our wants, most laying in provision when it was to be had for time of want; the scarcest things were drink, bread among the officers, and salt in general,It was most difficult to obtain salt in any part of Ireland. Add. 36914 (Brit. Mus.); 9 Anne, c. 23 (Brit.); 12 Anne, c. 14 (Brit.). whereof the want was great. The lying cold and wet and too much eating of flesh, which the new raised men were not used to, and that half boiled or broiled on the coals without salt, bred much sickness in the army whereof many died, and a much greater number was daily sent away, besides what went off without leave, either sick or weary of these hardships.
Tuesday the 29th: a strong party of the enemy marched as far as one of our advanced posts, which was at Tallantstown, a house of the Earl of Louth'sThe Earl of Louth was Lord-Lieutenant of the County of Mayo and a captain in the Jacobite army. In 1691 he was outlawed, but when he surrendered the island of Bophin to Sir Henry Bellasis, Governor of Galway, his attainder was reversed, in 1698, and a full pardon granted in 1700. His first wife was Lady Mary Burke, elder daughter of the sixth Earl of Clanricarde, his second Bridget, eldest daughter of Colonel John Browne of Westport. with a court before it encompassed with a stone wall, whither were sent from the army weekly a captain, two lieutenants, and an ensign with sixty men, whereof twenty with an officer were detached to a bridge about a furlong from the house, where was an old mill
with loopholes to fire through, but the river was fordable in several places. The enemy coming up, our men quitted their post at the bridge and retired to the house, the rebels advancing only took prisoner a sergeant that had remained without, and drove away some cattle, but, a small number approaching the house, a lieutenant of theirs was killed and two men wounded, they left the dead body behind and retired. Had the main body of the enemy been upon the back of that party and pursued the enterprise the event could not but have been fatal to us. For upon the news of that post being attacked the alarm being beaten, not the fourth part of our men could be found at their arms, the rest, the day being fair, were ranging the country for provisions, straw, or other necessaries.
Saturday the 2nd of October: I was commanded to the advanced guard at Tallantstown, with a captain of Colonel Butler of Kilcash's Regiment,Colonel Thomas Butler's Regiment had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, major, fifteen captains, fourteen lieutenants, sixteen ensigns, and a chaplain. There were thirteen companies and 428 men (Brit. Mus. list). Avaux gives 300 men. There were only three Butler officers. Colonel Butler raised this regiment for James and was taken prisoner at the battle of Aughrim. a lieutenant of the same, an ensign of ours, and sixty men. Having relieved the guard, and sent the lieutenant with twenty men as usual to the bridge, about midnight we were alarmed by a shot from the said bridge, and stood at arms about the wall all night but saw none of the enemy. This night also came to us a lieutenant with twenty men with orders to relieve us, the army being to decamp the next morning. His orders were for us to march immediately, but by reason of the alarm it was deferred till morning.
Sunday the 3rd: at break of day we marched in good order, and with lighted matches some part of the way, lest any of the enemy, having passed the house by night, might be in the way, but we met none and coming to the camp found the army was marched, whom we followed with speed towards Drogheda. The captain that commanded the detachment being well mounted left us ordering every man to make the
best of his way, upon which they all dispersed, and I being on foot and not able to travel so fast was left behind, and could reach no farther this night than Castlelumney, a poor miserable village four miles from Drogheda, consisting of about half a score little cottages. Into one of these I was forced to take up amongst forty or fifty poor country wretches, with near twenty sick soldiers, scarce any fire, and no straw nor so much as room to lie down. This made three nights together that I passed without sleep, and the day following the third day of marching afoot, a hardship too great for one so little accustomed to those toils, and rather to be attributed to a particular providence of God that carried me through it than my own strength, for as the Spaniards say, No hizo Dios á quien desamparar, God made nobody with a design to forsake him.
Monday the 4th: I took my way along the hills and came about noon to Drogheda. The great rains had made the ways almost impassable, the horse road which is most old causeway being broken up and quite out of repair, and the footway in the fields very boggy with abundance of ditches at that time full of water. It was extreme tiresome to me marching afoot, but to avoid the inconveniences and toils of the camp at such an unseasonable time of the year all things appeared more easy. In Drogheda we continued till
Thursday the 14th, when the Grand Prior's Regiment being appointed to quarter in Dublin, we marched and, within a mile of Ballough dividing the regiment for conveniency of quarters, one part went on to Ballough and the other, in which I was, struck off to the left towards the sea to the town of Lusk, where we had very good quarters.
Friday the 15th: the regiment joined again on the road, and marched without any considerable halt to Dublin, each day's march being ten miles. Our quarters were assigned us in the college,The College Register, T.C.D., gives the following entries:
March 12, 1688/9.—King James landed in Ireland; and upon the 24th of the same month, being Palm Sunday, he came to Dublin. The College, with the Vice-chancellor, waited upon him, and Mr. Thewles made a speech, which he seemed to receive kindly, and promis'd 'em his favour and protection; but upon the 16th of September, 1689, without any offence as much as pretended, the College was seized on for a garrison by the King's order, the Fellows turned out, and a Regiment of Foot took possession and continued in it.
July 24. The Vice-Provost and Fellows, with consent of the Vice-Chancellor, sold a peece of plate weighing about 30 ounces for subsistence of themselves and the scholars that remained.
September 6. The College was seized on for a Garrison by the King's order and Sir John FitzGerald took possession of it. Upon Wednesday the 11th, it was made a prison for the Protestants of the City, of whom a great number were confined to the upper part of the Hall. Upon the 16th the Scholars were all turned out by souldiers, and ordered to carry nothing with 'em but their books. But Mr. Thewles and some others were not permitted to take their books with 'em. Lenan, one of the Scholars of the House, was sick of the smallpox, and died, as it was supposed, by removing. At the same time the King sent an order to apprehend six of the Fellows and Masters and commit 'em to the main guard, and all this without any provocation or crime as much as pretended: but the Bishop of Meath, our Vice-Chancellor, interceded with the King, and procured the last order to be stopt.
October 21. Several persons, by order of the Government, seized upon the Chappel and broke open the Library. The Chappel was sprinkled and new consecrated and Mass was said in it; but afterwards being turned into a storehouse for powder, it escaped all further damage. The Library and Gardens and the Provost's lodgings were committed to the care of one Macarty, a Priest and Chaplain to ye King, who preserved 'em from the violence of the souldiers, but the Chambers and all other things belonging to ye College were miserably defaced and ruined.
where the scholars being turned out another
regiment had been quartered before, and where the soldiers during the whole winter suffered many inconveniences. One of the greatest was the want of firing, which this winter was extreme dear in Dublin, the great supply of the city being the English and Welsh coals, and the traffic with England being cut off they had no other fuel but turf and some wood, both which the expense of the city being great were brought very far and consequently sold very dear. And the soldiers not able to buy did much mischief by night breaking up waste houses for timber, cutting all the trees and destroying the hedges near the town. When this relief was taken from them by prohibition upon severe penalties and setting sentinels upon waste houses, after long suffering the governor of Dublin, that was then Simon Luttrell,Simon Luttrell (d. 1698) was appointed Governor of Dublin (Clarke, ii. 378), and in the Parliament of 1689 he represented the County of Dublin. He ejected the Fellows and Scholars of Trinity College and allowed no three of them to meet together. When Schomberg sent ten or twelve vessels into the Bay of Dublin Luttrell was able to preserve the capital for his master. Avaux wrote concerning Simon's brother Henry to Louvois, October 21, Il devroit pourtant voir l'effet qu'a produit à Dublin, le soin et l'exactitude d'un colonel de dragons, nommé Lutterel, qu'il y a laissé. Cet officier y a mis un si bon ordre qu'il a sauvé cette capitale lorsque les vaisseaux Anglois sont entrez dans la rade, et ont commencé d'y faire descente, esperant un soulevement des Protestans mais il a sceu contenir ceux cy dans le devoir, et chasser les autres; il seroit à souhaitter que l'ordre qu'il a estably dans Dublin, fust suivy lorsque le Roy y sera.
He covered the Duke of Berwick's retreat from the Boyne to the city. With Henry Simon formed part of a deputation which went to France to solicit aid from Louis. After 1691 the French king gave Simon command of the Dublin regiment. The Luttrells lived at Luttrellstown from 1400 to 1798, exhibiting a rare continuity of ownership in one family. gave an allowance of turf for
the use of the Grand Prior's Regiment in the college, which was so small that it came not to above a turf to each man in a day. Being returned to Dublin I will as in the first part make some general remarks of what happened during our abode there, the actions of this winter being very inconsiderable and my purpose to speak in particular only of such things as I had part in or at least whereof I can give a most certain relation.
The happy success of this campaign,On the position of affairs see Avaux to Croissy, August 6; Avaux to Louis, August 9; Avaux to Louvois, August 18; Avaux to Louis, August 30 and October 21; Avaux to Louvois, October 21 and November 26; Avaux to Seignelay, December 6, a most valuable letter. The conclusion of it runs as follows: Le Comte de Schomberg s'est retiré de cette sorte dans le nord d'Irlande, du costé de Belfast, avec le reste de son armée, diminuée de plus de la moitié, tant par les maladies qui s'y sont mises, que par le manque d'une partie de choses qui estoient necessaires pour la subsistance, quoyqu'il eut des vaisseaux, la mer libre, et une grande province derriere luy.
Le peu de succez que ce general a eu dans cette expedition, et tous les evenemens de cette campagne se sont trouvez bien esloignez de ce qu'il s'en estoit promis, et bien differens de l'esperance qu'il avoit donnée à ses troupes, de les faire hyverner dans Dublin, et de leur partager, comme fit Cromwel, les terres de ceux qui n'estoient pas de son party. Il ne doutoit nullement qu'avec les forces qu'il avoit menées en Irlande, et avec l'assistance des rebelles, il ne se rendist maistre de tout le royaume avant la fin de la campagne, sans quoy il n'auroit pas entrepris une invasion de cette importance, et ne se seroit pas exposé au hazard de voir comme il fait à cette heure, son honneur et sa reputation en grand danger.
Avaux to Seignelay, October 21, 1689: Nous avons esté campez trois semaines à une lieüe et demye de M. de Schomberg, et nous nous sommes presentez en bataille devant luy, sans qu'il ayt osé paroistre, et apres avoir consumé les fourages de toute cette contrée, et bruslé ceux qui estoient devant M. de Schomberg, nous nous sommes retirez en ce lieu cy (à Ardée), pour mettre l'armée un peu plus à son aise.
Avaux to Louis, November 24 and December 6. so far victorious as that the enemy had refused the battle, and that it was credibly reported through sickness and the hardships of the camp they had lost 10,000 men, had not only given a great reputation to
His Majesty's affairs, but lifted the hearts of all true loyalists to an assured hope of extraordinary success the next summer. And even the remaining part of the winter it was thought might be employed to great advantage not only in refitting the army against spring and other necessary preparations, but in keeping a good correspondence in England preparatory to His Majesty's coming thither, and gaining some advantageous posts in the north of Ireland either through the weakness of the rebels or their inclination to embrace His Majesty's mercy; they being daily represented to be so weakened as not to be able to maintain their garrisons, and in such despair of relief from their miseries that they would upon any conditions return to their obedience. This too great confidence of the good posture of our affairs produced in all men such a security as proved without doubt very prejudicial to our interest in the end. Every one laying aside the care of the public wholly devoted himself either to his private affairs or to his pleasure and ease. The main business of recruiting and disciplining the army was for a long time laid aside, and instead thereof the forces that were on foot suffered to disperse about the country to live at ease without restraint, without exercise and without order. For the benefit of the officers the muster-rolls were always full, though to the great damage of the public; the regiments continued really in the same posture of weakness they came from the camp. As an example may be produced the regiment of Colonel Thomas Butler of Kilcash which mustering always upwards of 600 men could not at any other day bring into the field above 200.In Lauzun's biography from his notes we learn that he had 18,000 fit for war shortly after he landed, but their pay was reckoned as for 50,000. Men were either so wicked or so ignorant that they strove to make their harvest of His Majesty before his affairs were ripe. This and their country affairs was their chief study, till having gathered a sufficient quantity of money they were in a condition to appear at court; so that notwithstanding His Majesty's repeated orders for all officers to repair to their commands the city swarmed with them, the greatest part not blushing to give the king daily testimonies of their
disobedience by presuming to appear in his presence. But what is worse if worse can be than disobeying and cheating our sovereign, the money ill gotten was as ill spent in all manner of debauchery, luxury, and riot.Macariae Excidium, p. 41: And now the winter season, which should be employed in serious consultations, and making up the necessary preparations for the ensuing campaign, was idly spent in revels, and gaming, and other debauches, unfit for a Delphian (i.e. Roman Catholic) court.
Ibid., p. 40: But the young commanders were in some haste to return to Salamis (Dublin), where the ladies expected them; so that Amasis (James II), being once more persuaded to disband the new levies, and raising his camp a little of the soonest, dispersed his men too early into winter garrisons, having spent that campaign, vainly expecting that his Martanesian (Protestant) subjects of Cilicia (England), who were in the camp of Nisias (Schomberg), would come over to him.
C.S.P., Dom., 1689/90, pp. 279–80; Kazner, i, footnote on p. 314. Oaths, curses, and blasphemies were the one-half of the common familiar discourse, the other part very often containing nothing but the repetition of past enormities or the plotting and contriving of some fresh piece of extraordinary lewdness. Drunkenness was so eagerly prosecuted that no liquors were strong, nor no days long enough to satiate some overhardened drunkards, whilst others, not so seasoned, by often sleeps supplied the weakness of their brain. The women were so suitable to the times that they rather enticed men to lewdness than carried the least face of modesty, in so much that in every corner of the town might be said to be a public stew.The testimony of Fynes Moryson agrees with this account: The children of the English-Irish, and much more of the mere Irish, are brought up with small or no austerity, rather with great liberty, yea licentiousness. And when you read of the foresaid frequent divorces, and generally of the women's immoderate drinking, you may well judge that incontinency is not rare among them.
Le Gouz records that In this city (i. e. in Limerick) there are great numbers of profligate women; which I could not have believed, on account of the climate.
Gédeon Bonnivert comments adversely on the modesty of the women. This lax state of morality has passed away. The effects of the Penal Laws were evil, but perhaps the sufferings they involved purified morals. In fine, Dublin seemed to be a seminary of vice, an academy of luxury or rather a sink of corruption, and living emblem of Sodom. Neither their own faculties nor their frauds practised against the king being sufficient to supply the prodigalities of some officers, having forced a credit as far as it would go, they stuck not to support their extravagances by oppression of the country, open violence, and rapine, not to speak of such as
lived by false dice, and such-like underhand deceitful practices. Nor was it to be admired that in so general a contempt of the express commandments of God, the precepts of the church should pass unregarded, the holy time of Lent and other fasts as to the practice being wholly forgot, only the memory of the name remaining. And yet amidst these enormities every mouth was full of religion and loyalty, every one promising a happy success to the rightful cause, as if that had authorized us in the practice of all sorts of villanies. As if the wickedness of our lives had not equalled if not surpassed the guilt of our enemy's rebellion. And as if God had not raised and supported them for a scourge of our impieties, as he did the Assyrians and Babylonians to punish his chosen people's infidelities, and the Mohammedans to chastize the general profanations of Christendom. Some perhaps may say these reflections are either too severe or not so becoming the pen of a soldier as of a friar. To the first I answer that as I exempt not myself from my part in the very crimes I inveigh against, so I desire every man to appropriate no more to himself of this charge than what his conscience shall accuse him of, and when every one has taken his proportion they may leave the remainder at my door. And for the latter part I think none fitter to comment upon vice than he that has seen most of it or to declaim against a wicked life than he that ought always to be provided for death.
Our intelligence in England for a long time seemed to carry a favourable aspect, some little vessels running often from Dublin to the coast which, returning always safe, filled us with the news of the good disposition of affairs there towards His Majesty's service. But neither in this particular was there used that secrecy and caution that became a business of that consequence. It was not enough that every one knew when a vessel was to sail for England, but that at her return the common discourse of the town was what business she went upon and what success she had met with, who managed the intelligence on the other side, to whom commission was given to dispose and provide men, what number of men were in readiness, where and in what manner horses and arms were
kept and provided for the service, what Protestants had engaged to assist and second the enterprise; to be short the whole series of the transactions was related as if each man had been entrusted with the management thereof between the king and his correspondents. These reports whether true or false could not but be very obnoxious to His Majesty's designs. If true, His Majesty's intentions being made public were easily to be prevented from taking any effect, and the lives of those persons he held correspondence with were brought into an almost unavoidable danger. If false, with the enemy they might carry some opinion of truth, and at least serve for a pretence to oppress and disarm such as they but suspected to have any inclination to His Majesty's service, to the general ruin of the Catholics of England, and endangering those few Protestants that had any sparks of loyalty still surviving in them. Neither were these discourses carried in private between Catholics, but they had so much indiscretion as to make their boasts of their intelligence to the Protestants, who generally knew better than ourselves what things were in agitation. All the king's goodness and clemency was not of any force to reclaim the hardened heart of one of the bigot rebellious Protestants; so far from it that they attributed all His Majesty's mercy to fear, and in their obstinacy and malice despised all dangers and perils to keep a settled correspondence with their rebel brethren in arms. Great was the secrecy wherewith these people managed their villanous practices; they knew the privacies of the king's counsel, and it could never be found who betrayed him any further than mere surmises. They gave account of all passages and accidents to the enemy receiving the like from them, and yet no messenger of theirs either discovered or was surprised; all that could be perceived was that some people as well from Dublin as other parts made their escape, who were never so mad as to return. On the contrary some persons that the king sent into England were apprehended, not without manifest tokens of being betrayed by intelligence given from Dublin.
Dundalk being abandoned by the rebels greatly confirmed
the credit of their vast losses in that place by sickness, for besides the infinite number of graves a vast number of dead bodies was found there unburied, and not a few yet breathing but almost devoured with lice and other vermin.C.S.P., Dom., 1689/90, pp. 367–9—this letter to the king is very valuable; Story, p. 10; Kane; London Gazette, December 1689 and January 1690; Kazner, i. 310, 313–15, 321; Clarke Correspondence, T.C.D., vol. i, f. 25; Macariae Excidium, 329–30. Total of the Army in Camp …14,000
Loss—Died at Dundalk…1,700
Died on board ship in course of removal from Dundalk to Belfast…800
Died in hospital at Belfast…3,800
total loss…6,300
remaining men…7,700
Brigadier Kane writes: More than two-thirds of our English were carried off by distemper.
Schomberg's dispatches, September 20 and 27; October 3, 8, and 12; November 4; and December 26. The incapacity of the men in command was demonstrated by the piteous plight of the camp. The unusually heavy rains descended on the low-lying soil. The ignorant and indolent officers delayed the erection of huts till it was too late to procure dry timber for the walls or dry straw for the roofs. The men did not renew the fern for their beds, and they did not drain the soil. To the miseries of insufficient food were added exposure and dirt. Fevers completed the work that these had begun. The Enniskillen men and the Jacobites, accustomed to the climate, and the Dutchmen, inured to dampness, survived, but the peasants of Yorkshire and Derbyshire were unable to resist the combination of evils. There were few doctors, and their medicines were for the cure of wounds, not for the removal of pestilence. The chief cause of all the disasters lay in the lack of organization, notably seen in the fact that there was no efficient commissariat transport train. Even when large supplies of beef and brandy, bread and coal had been provided, the high death-roll continued and increased. James's peasants suffered severely also, for out of a total of forty thousand, about fifteen thousand died. This spectacle not a little astonished such of our men as ventured in amongst them, seeing that raging with hunger some had eaten part of their own flesh and having yet their speech begged as a charity to be killed, and yet among all these examples of God's vengeance could I never hear of any that showed the least signs of repentance, but died in their hardness of heart and impenitence. Such was the stench of the place as at first was thought would have rendered it uninhabitable, yet afterwards it was cleansed, garrisoned, and fortified. The recovery of this place made more assured the hopes of further advantages, it being the general belief that weakness or despair would oblige the rebels to quit many
other posts and retire again all their force to Londonderry and Enniskillen, and some there were so forward as to imagine even those places would not secure their fears, but they would, having destroyed all the north, withdraw themselves into England and Scotland. The Protestants, that were amongst us being better informed of the strength and resolution of their brethren, laughed at these devices, and not without reason. God's and our enemies were not so weakened as to be driven to abandon what they had so dearly purchased, for allowing as was reported they had lost 10,000 men, yet by the common consent of all men, Schomberg at first had in his army 22,000 men besides the Enniskillingers and other rabble of the country, so that according to this computation there still remained 12,000, not reckoning the aforesaid northern spawn. With this strength might have well been entertained a defensive summer war fortifying their best holds, much more the unseasonable time of winter not fit for any action in the field. It was vain to think God's judgements should produce any despair or remorse in the rebels, their hearts, like Pharaoh and his Egyptians, were hardened with punishment.The Jacobite Secretary for War, Nagle, observing the grievous condition of the English, tried to induce them to desert, comparing their sufferings to those inflicted by God on the host of Sennacherib. Nagle's Letters, 251–3; Macariae Excidium, 326–30; Jacobite Narrative; Kazner, ii. 305. The nature of an Englishman is to be tenacious of the opinion he has once conceived, to be positive in his own conceits, to be firm in his resolutions, to this being joined a genuine boldness of spirit, a contempt of danger, and a disdain of being outdone by another, he will rather perish than not go through with what he has once undertaken. Without suspicion of flattering England I may say of its people as once St. Gregory, Angli quasi Angeli, for whilst the true religion flourished among them no nation was more beautified with learned, heroic and godly men, and even in this corruption of times among such true sons of the church as have weathered the storms of persecution may be discerned the relics of that lustre which once glorified the whole island. But it is a true maxim in philosophy that, Corruptio optimi
pessima, so those most noble spirits, the angels, blest with the beatific vision of the Almighty, when through their pride and rebellion they were cast down from heaven, of the most pure, most innocent, and most sublime creatures of God's creation they became the most loathsome, most malicious and most vile objects of His eternal wrath and indignation. Even so the English, who were once the pattern of piety, the mirror of religion and pillars of God's church, being fallen into apostasy, became the very advocates of vice, the great example of profaneness, and the chief support of heresy, schism, irreligion, and atheism. Neither is it ignorance, but that natural obstinacy I mentioned before, that retains them in this deplorable estate; they see the grossness of their error, and yet such is their pride they cannot submit to acknowledge it. They were not deluded or drawn into this rebellion against their sovereign, no it was malice and perverseness of heart that forced that universal consent; the fear of being obliged to confess their rebellion against the church made them also traitors to their king. No oppression at home, no miseries abroad, no punishments of men or judgements of God, are able to enforce them to the least act of remorse; the more they are scourged the more they persist, the nearer they see their fault the farther they are from owning it, they kick against the spur, and though they feel the smart yet they cover the sore. To conclude, such is the perverseness, obstinacy, pride, malice, and impenitence of an English rebel and heretic, that the one rather than submit to his king will venture to be hanged, and the other sooner than beg pardon of God himself will inevitably be damned. Both Irish and Scotch, in respect of those of their nations who bear part in the rebellion against God and the king, and who have drunk plentifully of this poison, I believe may apply this at home. To return where I left off, the horror of the place fatal to so many, the stench of the dead bodies, and the diseases that never ceased to rage, made the rebels quit Dundalk. Afterwards being refreshed in other garrisons by breathing a sweeter air, and God's wrath giving some respite to their miseries, they not only endeavoured to maintain their garrisons,
but made many incursions into our frontiers. What wants were among them, if any such, were plentifully supplied out of England, both as to provisions and recruits of men, besides that most of the north country rebels having been long in Londonderry and Enniskillen were well used to handle arms, but returned then I suppose to take possession of their houses and lands, which for fear of the king's army or love of their darling treason they had quitted.
During the whole winter season till we took the field there happened nothing considerable but the defeat at CavanC.S.P., Dom., 1689/90, pp. 485, 534–5. and the loss of Charlemont. To Cavan had been sent a strong detachment of the best men of several regiments, not without great expectation of their performing some very considerable
Avaux to Seignelay, December 6; Avaux to Louis, January 25 and February 18, 1690; Kazner, i. 328–9, ii. 347; Lauzun to Louvois, May 10–20, 1690, Ministère de la Guerre;
Great News from Ireland. A letter from Lisnagarvey, March 20, 1690 (London, 1690, Thorpe); Story, 11; Clarke, ii. 385–90; C.S.P., Dom., 1689/90, pp. 320, 444; C.S.P., Dom., 1690/91, pp. 5,13: Charlemont has surrendered from want of provisions.
Ibid., p. 14: Letters from Ireland of the 18th say that the garrison of Charlemont was forced to eat horse hides.
Ibid., p. 15: They marched out with 600 men, bag and baggage, but very miserable creatures, being reduced to the utmost extremity, for when we entered the place there was but half a salted horse found, and that in the governor, Teague O'Regan's house, for his own use.
Light to the Blind, 585: It was easy in the winter to send provisions into that town for a much longer siege: yet it was not done. You shall meet with more of those failures before the war ends.
Among the wounded was Captain Rapin, who wrote the History of England.
Teague O'Regan was a hot-headed Irish officer in charge of the fortress of Charlemont with a garrison of about three hundred men. (C.S.P., Dom., 1690/1, pp. 5, 13–15; C.S.P., Dom., 1689/90, pp. 320, 444; Light to the Blind, 585; Kazner, i. 329, ii. 347; Lauzun to Louvois, May 10–20, 1690, Ministère de la Guerre; Story, 11; Clarke, ii. 385–90.) After a stout defence O'Regan, who seems to have been a sort of Charles Napier, surrendered on the 12th of May from lack of provisions, but marched out with the honours of war. Schomberg came to meet the late governor, who cut a most extraordinary figure. The last time the two commanders had met, the latter had served as a lieutenant of the Scots gendarmes under the former. The duke asked how it was that with the garrison so straitened for food, so many women and children should have been retained in the place. The Irish officers replied that their soldiers would desert unless they had their wives and sweethearts with them. Well,
retorted the veteran warrior, there seems certainly to be a good deal of love in it, but also a good deal of foolishness;
and he at once ordered a loaf to be given to each man. The colonel of the Brandenburg regiment expressed his disappointment with the appearance of the men who resisted him. It is strange to note that friends and foes alike expressed a certain contempt for the Irish soldiers.
piece of service. The event answered not the opinion conceived of them, for scarce were they arrived there, sooner than put to the rout with great infamy, having scarce seen the face of their enemies, nor had the slaughter been less had the rebels been as forward to make use of their advantage as they were fortunate to gain it. With much industry the greatest part were persuaded to fly to the fort, others fled whither their fear dictated, some few were killed or taken, the most of these officers. Some men's fear gave them wings to bring this news to Dublin, which was variously represented first according to the terror of the relators as a general slaughter, then smothered and palliated with the name of a retreat; but the Protestants had still the true intelligence, and our detachments returning home with shame, the whole matter was known. I mean the sum of the defeat, loss, and disgrace were known, for to particulars no credit could be given, every one relating what his fear first and then the case of his own credit suggested, scarce any two agreeing in their account, but all joining to frame excuses to cover an inexcusable shame. Charlemont whilst in our possession was not only accounted very considerable for its strength and situation, but esteemed the key of the north; their stores of ammunition, and provision greatly magnified, and the incursions made by the garrison were no small matter of discourse in Dublin. Schomberg, being better informed of the condition of the place, took his opportunity when 600 men had carried in a small supply of provisions to sit down before it, enclosing at the same time the convoy, whose relief was not sufficient to maintain themselves, much less to be any succour to the garrison. Knowing the scarcity of provisions must soon oblige the governor to surrender, whose courage if attacked would have held the place to the last, Schomberg after the usual summons was content to block it up till hunger should open that way, which all his force could scarce have done without great loss. After suffering all sorts of extremities having not only eaten the horses but their hides, the constancy of Thady O'Regan the governor was forced to submit to necessity, and having obtained honourable conditions delivered the garrison, and upon his arrival at
court in token of His Majesty's grace was knighted. Though it was well known the town was in no possibility to hold out, nothing was attempted for the relief of it; but when lost, as much as the importance, conveniency and strength of it had been magnified before, so much was it then contemned and despised.
In the spring arrived at Cork the French fleet, bringing besides wheat and ammunition eight battalions of foot well clothed, armed, and disciplined, in return whereof they received a like number of unarmed, ragged, and inexperienced men.Lauzun landed with seven thousand three hundred men at Kinsale, and Louis insisted that he must receive an equal number of Irish to replace them. Accordingly four Irish regiments, under Mountcashel, sailed for France: these formed the nucleus of the famous Irish Brigade. Rousset, Histoire de Louvois, 4, 382, 422; Dangeau's Journal, December 29; Louvois to Avaux, November 1–11, 1689: 341 officers and 6,751 soldiers. There came also sixty-one artillery-men, six commissariat officers, twenty-seven surgeons, and hospital attendants.
These forces being landed and well refreshed at Cork and all about the country, by easy marches came to Dublin to the great satisfaction of all good men, and no less vexation of the rebellious party. These men raised a great expectation of themselves in every one's thoughts, and not without reason, they being the very flower of the foot of the army. M. de Lauzun had the command of them;Lauzun (1633–1723) when a young man was the favourite of Louis XIV, and the accepted lover of that monarch's cousin, the Princess de Montpensier. The King, however, refused his consent to the marriage, and offered to make him Duke, Marshal of France, and Governor of Provence, provided he would give up his pretensions to the lady. This he declined to do and Louis cast him into prison in the Castle of Pignerol, but the princess bribed the Duke of Mayenne with the principality of Dombes to obtain his release. He escaped to England and when the Queen and the Prince of Wales fled to France Lauzun was their escort (Campana de Cavelli, ii. 461; Klopp, iv. 269; Rousset, iv. 151). In the summer of 1689 Louis superseded Rosen and appointed Lauzun as commander and sent with him 6,000 veterans. He arrived in Dublin with his forces well armed and clothed, and issued an order to his men by which he forbade their taking anything but what they paid for, and also prohibited their molesting Protestant assemblies
(Southwell MSS.). After the defeat of the Boyne he advised James to retire to France (Clarke, ii. 214). He retired to Limerick, but pronounced the town untenable Macariae Excidium, p. 65). It is unnecessary,
he maintained, for the English to bring cannon against such a place as this. What you call ramparts might be battered down with roasted apples.
After the raising of the siege of Limerick, Lauzun and Tyrconnel embarked at Galway. Lauzun was disgraced by Louis, and, but for the solicitations of James, he would have ended his days in that home of fallen favourites, the Bastille. He had won the confidence of the Queen of England to the point that she considered him the only statesman, the only general, the only diplomat, the only administrator; in a word, the universal, necessary, and tutelary genius
(Rousset, ii. 193). On the other hand the Marquis de la Fare pronounced him the most insolent little man who had been seen for a century Mémoires, ser. ii, vol. lxv, p. 180), and Saint-Simon, his brother-in-law, accounted him a low and base courtier (Mémoires, xix. 186). Voltaire, however, mentions him and Vardes as the only friends Louis ever possessed Siècle de Louis XIV, Oeuvres, vol. xiii, p. 572). In the opinion of Louvois he was a contemptible fellow
and a poltroon
, and the first French general to prevent the army under his orders from fighting
. Hoffmann notes that till he arrived in Ireland he had never done military service anywhere except in a fortress (Campana di Cavelli, ii. 289). Like Louvois, Avaux hated him and described him with reason as lazy, generally disliked, and dishonest
. Berwick maintained that he had quite forgotten all his military knowledge if he ever possessed any
. In the Caractères La Bruyère sketches his character under the title of Stratton. they brought twelve
field-pieces, and were paid in silver, which was no small damage and discouragement to the rest of the army who received none but brass money, for by that means this sort of coin lost much of its former value. Brass money for some time passed at the full rate as current as silver, till some people going to France, and others, wanting silver to trade there, began to give above the rates of the proclamation for silver and gold coin, and it being considerably improved the French failed not to lay hold of the opportunity and make their advantage, till pistoles came to be sold for three pounds apiece in brass, and so proportionably for other lesser coin. Hence proceeded that excessive dearness of provisions and all manner of necessaries, not from any scarcity but from the contempt of the coin, which was very prejudicial to the whole army who lived upon bare subsistence without any other advantages. Especially those in Dublin suffered much, being quartered (except the guards) in waste houses, and such places where they had no help of housekeepers as formerly in quarters, and the prices of all things extraordinary. I do not lay this down as the effect of the French being paid in silver, for as I have said above, this took beginning and was well improved before their coming, though they added much to it. Besides for some days before their arrival the regiments in Dublin had been quartered upon the citizens, and upon the coming of the French were removed to the skirts of the city
and neighbouring villages. Whosoever was the first contriver of quartering soldiers in waste houses and such-like places without doubt had more prospect of interest than love to the army. Every housekeeper that would be exempted was obliged to purchase a protection, which besides all underhand charges cost him one, two or more featherbeds with necessary good blankets, or in default of such beds two, three or four pounds according to the value of his house or humour of them that were to impose the rate. By this means were levied above five hundred good beds, besides a vast sum of money, all as was pretended to furnish conveniences for soldiers in waste houses that they might not be burdensome to the inhabitants. In truth all this served only to enrich some few private persons through whose hands it went and who made a prey of the city under colour of easing it. For except some few old beds that were sent to the hospital, no account was ever had of the above-mentioned number, and all the poor soldiers had of that great quantity of money raised were some poor straw beds, and those so scarce that they served not one-half of the men, those who had them lying little better than upon the floor, through the thinness of the straw, almost naked by reason of the badness of their clothes and the blankets, and starved for want of firing, having none but what they stole with the utter ruin of many good houses, and of all the hedges, bushes, and trees about Dublin.
Money, like blood in the body of man, ought to have its circulation, and passing from one hand to another be as it were in a continual motion, from the subject to the king, from the king to the soldier, from the soldier to the tradesman, from the tradesman to the merchant, from the merchant to the countryman, from the countryman to the gentleman, and from every one again to the king. The distempers that the kingdom laboured under had stopped this circulation in such manner that though it continued its course in some measure through the body of the people, the recourse to the king, the head, was almost quite diverted. All the branches of His Majesty's revenue were so sunk that the receipt scarce turned to any account, and a subsidy granted when the parliament
sat was near lost in the very collecting. This obliged His Majesty to continue the coining a vast quantity of brass, having no other means left to support his army. Not only all the old brass and copper that could be found in Dublin or the country was consumed, but many of the largest brass guns were melted down, and the want still continuing it was to be feared all the cannon of that sort of metal in the kingdom were in danger. To supply in some measure this necessity the new half-crowns were made smaller, and all the old large ones called in, which being new stamped passed for crowns. Another remedy was also designed, which was to make crown pieces of pewter or block tin, some few of these were coined being in all respects like the brass, only that on the outward edge in the manner of the English milled money was this motto, MELIORIS TESSERA FATI, and the year of His Majesty's reign, and in the middle was fixed as it were riveted in a small piece of brass, but this money was never made current.
Summer drawing on the preparations for the campaign began to be hastened, and the war which the winter seemed to have lulled asleep being awakened, every man was employed in furnishing himself for the field.Tyrconnel's Regiment of Horse had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, major, eight captains, nine lieutenants, eight cornets, eleven quarter-masters, adjutant, surgeon, chaplain, with two other officers and five French officers à la suite. There were nine companies and 250 men. Tyrconnel wrote to Mary Beatrice, James's queen, on January 29, 1688/9, (Add. 28053, f. 386, Brit. Mus.), and from this letter his plans for new modelling the army in Ireland and his preparations for the coming contest are clear. He asks his correspondents in France to send me besides the 8,000 firearms already sent 6,000 matchlocks more and 5,000 firelocks. To send me at least 12,000 swords. To send me 2,000 carbines, and as many cases of pistols and holsters. To send me a good number of officers to train
(i.e. to train the Irish volunteers). In the course of the letter Tyrconnel makes a passionate appeal for immediate succour, showing that he had many men but little money for them. In the army there are four regiments of old troops, and one battalion of the Regiment of the Guards, three Regiments of Horse, with one troop of Grenadiers on horseback. I have lately given out commissions for nearly forty regiments, four Regiments of Dragoons, and two of Horse, all which amount to near 40,000 men, who are all unclothed and the greater part unarmed, and are to be subsisted by their several officers until the last of February next, out of their own purses, to the ruin of most of them; but after that day I see no possibility for arming them, clothing them, or subsisting them for the future, but abandoning the country to them; but after all, if I may be supplied by the last of March with those succours that are necessary which I press in my letters, I doubt not but I shall preserve this kingdom entirely for your Majesty
. When James landed at Kinsale on the 14th of March, 1688, Tyrconnel met him at Cork and was able to say that he had sent down Lieut.-General Hamilton with about 2,500 men, being as many as he could spare from Dublin, to make head against the rebels in Ulster, who were masters of all that province except Charlemont and Carrickfergus; that most part of the Protestants in other parts of the kingdom had been up; that in Munster they had possessed themselves of Castlemartyr and Bandon, but were forced to surrender both places and were totally reduced in those parts by Lieut.-General Macarthy, and were in a manner totally suppressed in the other two provinces; that the bare reputation of an army had done it, together with the diligence of the Catholic nobility and gentry, who had raised above fifty regiments of foot and several troops of horse and dragoons; that he had distributed amongst them about 20,000 arms, but most were so old and unserviceable that not above one thousand of the firearms were found afterwards to be of any use; that the old troops consisting of one battalion of Guards, together with Macarthy's, Clancarty's, and Newcomen's Regiments, were pretty well armed, as also seven companies of Mountjoy's which were with them, the other six having stayed in Derry, with Colonel Lundy and Gustavus Hamilton, the lieutenant-colonel and major of that regiment; that he had three regiments of horse—Tyrconnel's, Russell's, and Galmoy's— and one of dragoons; that the Catholics of the country had no arms, whereas the Protestants had that plenty, and the best horses in the kingdom; for great artillery he had but eight small field-pieces in a condition to march, the rest not mounted, no stores in the magazines, little powder and ball, all the officers gone to England, and no money in cash
. Cf. Clarke, James II, ii. 327–8; Avaux to Louis, from Cork, March 29, 1689, pp. 36–8; Macpherson, i. 177–8. Every regiment
in its quarters was mustered and reviewed, an account given of all their wants, arms, cloths, and tents delivered, and nothing omitted for the well furnishing and equipping the army. The Grand Prior's Regiment consisted of twenty-two companies, but none of them full, it was therefore reduced to thirteen, and with the broken new companies were filled up the old ones. But as it commonly happens among those people, the captains had no long joy of this recruit, for soon after they were taken from under the command of their own idol officers they began to desert, their old officers not only conniving but encouraging the men to quit the service, laying aside the care of the public good for a private malice, though all the officers were continued in pay as reformed or seconds. The dearness of the time and smallness of our pay kept the officers low, and of consequence their equipage for the camp was the easier provided. Each captain of the Grand Prior's had a tent allowed him, and every two subalterns, being a soldier's tent raised one breadth of cloth from the ground,
the tent given, the additional part to be deducted out of their pay. Upon the same account every one had liberty to take up red cloth, white lining, and pewter buttons to make regimental coats. All this was had out of the stores and never paid for.
As I have made general remarks upon the times, and not forbore to expose the errors of others, so before I proceed I cannot but reflect upon my own course of life (though in very few words) during this season. Díme con quién andas, diréte quién eres.Cf. Ormsby's edition of Don Quixote, ii. 10, 23. Cf. Garay, Carta 4, Portuguese, Dirte he que manhas has. Tell me your company, I'll tell you your manners,
saith the Spaniard. When the air is infected with pestilential vapours, every man endeavours to fortify himself against it with some antidotes or preservatives. But when the wickedness of the times carries an infectious contagion to annoy the souls of men, few are those who have recourse to the true mediums to preserve themselves against the pestilence of vice. I was neither more wise nor more holy than the rest of the world to know how to avoid the danger of too much company. It is the general error of youth that to prevent or divert melancholy or care they embrace all sorts of society, and the consequence of it is excess of drinking and other vices. I wanted not my share in this distraction being young and having little employment to take up my time, my thoughts were much subject to melancholy for the loss of my friends, and for wants, which, not being used to, were the more grievous to me. My course to disperse these thoughts was not such as it should be; the duties of my post were not enough to take up the least part of my time, and instead of employing the remaining part in such studies or exercises as might not only have been delightful at present, but in process of time advantageous to me, I employed myself wholly in following the court, in walking the town, in superfluous visits, in keeping company, and what is worse in drinking and suchlike idle and foolish divertisements of youth. I do not pretend to so much reservedness or zeal as wholly to condemn these pastimes, which used with moderation are in themselves innocent enough; I reprehend in myself the excessive use of
them, and that I was so wholly devoted to them as that they seemed to be my sole business during my stay in Dublin. All things that have a face of moderation seem to bear a show of virtue according to the received maxim, In medio consistit virtus, and all extremes though in things that seem innocent are vicious, since the Scripture tells us, Eccles. vii. 17, Noli esse iustus multum: neque plus sapias quam necesse est, ne obstupescas. I wish my future life may carry such a temperature (since I cannot so much as aim at the perfection of a Christian life) that profitable studies may be the slackening of my cares, and innocent pleasures the divertisement from study, that I may be happy in that true mixture mentioned by the poet, Omne tulit punctum qui miscuit utile dulci.
Horace, Ars Poetica 343. .
Monday, May the 19th, 1690: the Lord Grand Prior's Regiment,The Lord Grand Prior's Regiment was one of infantry. It was commanded by Colonel Henry Fitz-James. The lieutenant-colonels were Thomas Corbet and Edward Nugent. The major was one Porter. As this was Stevens's regiment the list of all the other officers is given.
Captains: Walter Tirrell
, Hugh McMahon, John Sutton, Christopher Sherlock, John Wogan, Alexander Knightley, John Panton, William Moore, Le Sieur Corridore, Thomas Justié, Patrick Kendelan, George Corridons Grenadier, Lieut.-Col. Clonshinge, Ignatius Usher, Savage, Rourke, Talbot, Mac Swyny, Mac Gowran, Walsh, O'Brien, Dempsey
Lieutenants: James Barnwell
, John Stevens, Catalier, Garrett Plunkett, Christopher Bellew, Charles Deguent, Bartholomew White, King, Neale, John Herne, Claudius Beauregard, Walter Grace, Walter Usher, Dobin, Rourke, Mortimer, Mac Swyny, Keating
Ensigns: Phill Mownson, Bartholomew Read, Daniel O'Daniel, Tyrrell, Morgone, Matthew Wale, Francis Borre, Wolverston, Blaghan Kendelan, Edward Rigney, Oliver Grace, Muschy, Rourke, Conway, Doherty, Neale, O'Brien, Dunn
Rev.: Neale, Chaplain; Kennedy, Surgeon
There were thirteen companies and 754 men (Brit. Mus. list). Avaux gives 200 men. Cf. Jacobite Narrative, 229. There there are recorded no less than nineteen officers à la suite. Cf. Avaux to Louvois, September 5, September 20; Avaux to Croissy, November 24; Avaux to Louvois, November 26; Avaux to Louis, February 11, 1690. According to M. d'Escot's report of August 29, 1689, there were 200 men at Drogheda and of these 120 were armed. having the day before received what clothes, and
arms they wanted, was drawn up in Oxmantown Green,Oxmantown Green was then on the skirts of Dublin and troops were often paraded there. The Green was also used for playing bowls and kettlepins. where it was first viewed by the king, and then marched away towards the north. This night we encamped about half a mile beyond Swords, which is six miles from Dublin. The town of Swords is but mean and has nothing in it remarkable but the ruins of an ancient great church, where I suppose was also formerly a considerable monastery; about the town also is as much as can preserve the memory of its having been walled. It being the first night, and I, as yet somewhat unprovided to lie in the field, ventured with leave to go about two miles from the regiment to a place called Saucerstown, a village consisting of only a few scattered cottages, where I found one tolerable, and in it good quarters.
Tuesday the 20th: about five of the clock in the morning I returned to the regiment and found them ready to march. It was ordered that neither officer nor soldier should quit the ranks which was no small fatigue, the weather being hot and the road excessive dusty to that degree that we were almost stifled and blinded, and so covered with dust that we scarce knew ourselves, all which fell most grievously upon such as marched afoot, whereof I was one. From Swords to Ballough is four miles, thence to Balrothery two, both of them poor villages, these last two miles of the longest I have seen. Hence to Gormanstown three miles, not worthy the name of a town, but at best only a tolerable village, most remarkable for giving title to a lord, who has a good house in the place, but poorly provided at that time, as some of our officers found by experience, who went to it only to get any sort of drink, there being then none to be had for money. Here we made a halt for about two hours, but found no refreshment, but what we brought with us unless the cool air and grass. Hence
we marched two miles farther to Jenkinstown Bridge, where we drew up in a large field in order to pitch our tents, but before the ground was marked out orders came to march to Drogheda, three miles from this place, and we were quartered in the city, where we found one battalion of His Majesty's Foot Guards, the Earl of Tyrone's Regiment of Foot,The Earl of Tyrone's Regiment had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, major, sixteen captains, seventeen lieutenants, fourteen ensigns, chaplain, and surgeon. There were thirteen companies and 874 men (Brit. Mus. list). Avaux gives 400 men. It suffered severely at the battle of the Boyne.
In 1673 Richard Power, the lineal male representative of the Lords of Curraghmore, was created Viscount Decies and Earl of Tyrone. In 1681 he was suspected of being concerned in the Popish Plot Memoirs of Ireland, 1716, p. 34), but in 1687 he received a pension of £300 per annum. He sat in the Parliament of 1689, and in September 1690 negotiated with Churchill for the surrender of Cork. In January 1691 he was thrown into the Tower and died shortly after: he was a man of no principle. and 100 of the Life Guards.The Guards had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, three majors, sixteen captains, twenty lieutenants, and nineteen ensigns. There were three officers à la suite Jacobite Narrative, 216–17). All the country between this city and Dublin is very pleasant, and a good soil, having great store of corn, some good pasture, the road in summer very good, but in winter extreme deep unless helped by an old broken causeway full of holes. Drogheda is the capital of the county of Louth, and according to the ancient division of Ireland, the first and chief of the whole province of Ulster, which in ancient times comprehended the whole county of Louth, and was divided from Leinster by the river Boyne, but in a later division the said county of Louth is added to the province of Leinster. The Boyne divides the city, the principal part whereof as is before said stands in the county of Louth, the remainder on the south side of the river in the county of Meath, most part whereof is demolished ever since Cromwell besieged it, he having made his breach on the south-east side, where he also ruined an ancient church. On this side also is the mount, not so large as capable of being made strong, and has the full command of the whole city. Both parts are joined by a wooden bridge, as high as which close to the quays ships of considerable burden have water enough, but the river though deep is narrow. About the year 1685, when first I saw this city it was in a flourishing condition, well inhabited and
had a considerable trade at sea. Since this rebellion it is totally ruined, its trade lost, most of the inhabitants fled, and the buildings ready to fall to the ground. We continued here in quarters till
Saturday the 24th: a detachment of His Majesty's Horse Guards, then two battalions of the foot guards, then the Lord Grand Prior's Regiment, and, to close up the rear, a troop of the Lord Dungan's Dragoons; in this manner we marched about three or four miles to Mellifont, as to the village very inconsiderable. But what makes the place anything known is a large but now much decayed house in a bottom enclosed with wooded hills and a very fair park, all of the estate of the infamous Earl of Drogheda, infamous both as a rebel and notorious coward.Henry, the third Earl of Drogheda, assumed the surname of Hamilton as heir to the Earl of Clanbrassil. In the reign of Charles II he was a cornet of horse; in 1679 he was made Custos Rotulorum of the counties of Louth and Meath, in 1684 a member of the Privy Council, and in 1686 Custos Rotulorum of Meath and Queen's County. In 1689 he was attainted by the Irish Parliament and had his estate sequestrated. William appointed him and the Earl of Roscommon colonels to raise men. At the capture of Carrickfergus he commanded a regiment of foot and with his men was present at the battle of the Boyne. When proceeding to the first siege of Limerick he led the advance guard and drove the enemy under the walls. On the 27th of August, 1690, at the assault, his grenadiers entered the breach, and were actually in the town, but the regiments appointed to second them, having no orders to proceed farther than the counterscarp, stopped there. That year he was sworn a member of the Privy Council and he signed the proclamation forbidding any trade to be carried on with France or any correspondence to be held with Louis or his subjects. He sat in the Parliament of 1692 and was a commissioner of the forfeited estates. In 1675 he married Mary, second daughter of Sir John Cole. On a ridge of hills to the northward of this place we encamped the horse and foot guards on the left, it being next to the general's quarters, the Grand Prior and two troops of Colonel Sutherland's HorseColonel Hugh Sutherland's Regiment of Horse had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, major, four captains, six lieutenants, six cornets, six quarter-masters, and an adjutant. There were six companies and 184 men (Brit. Mus. list). Avaux gives 135 men.
Colonel Hugh Sutherland was, during the siege of Derry, dispatched with two regiments of infantry, one of dragoons, and two troops of horse, to straiten
Enniskillen in the direction of Belturbet. He was to co-operate with Sarsfield. But when he arrived at Belturbet, Rosen, then at Derry, ordered him to proceed to Omagh to protect the Irish blockading army in that neighbourhood. Berwick joined him at Omagh and they cut off several of their sentries, and pushed a great many of the rebels' party with such vigour as they beat with thirty dragoons three troops of horse of theirs, which were drawn up at a distance from us
(E. 2, 19, T.C.D.). He fought and was wounded at the Boyne, where his men suffered little having to do only with the enemy's horse, which he soon repulsed
(Clarke, ii. 400). on the right, leaving in the centre a large interval for other regiments to encamp.
Sunday the 25th: Colonel M'Ellicott's Regiment encamped on the left of us.Colonel Roger M'Ellicott's Regiment had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, major, eleven captains, thirteen lieutenants, and twelve ensigns. There were thirteen companies and 793 men (Brit. Mus. list). Avaux gives 450 men.
Colonel Roger M'Ellicott was a member for Ardfert in the Parliament of 1689. On May 6, 1689, Avaux wrote to Seignelay: En attendant, Monsieur, que j'aye l'honneur de faire scavoir celuy que j'auray choisy, vous pouvez ordonner aux maistres des bastimens qui porteront des lettres, de les donner à M. Mac Elligott, gouverneur de Kinsale, c'est un fort honneste homme de mes amis, et qui me les fera tenir fort ponctuellement.
M'Ellicott was Governor of Cork when Churchill besieged it in September, 1690. According to James the Governor showed more courage than prudence, in refusing the good conditions which were offered him at first
. Berwick had so little thought of its sustaining a siege that he ordered M'Ellicott to burn the town, and retire with his garrison into Kerry. At the end of five days he was obliged to surrender, and was imprisoned in the Tower of London. In June 1694 he was exchanged and went to France, where Louis appointed him colonel of the regiment of Clancarty. They marched in about 550 strong, besides officers and sergeants, very well armed and clothed.
Monday the 26th: in the morning the Earl of Tyrone's Regiment joined us, and encamped on the right of the guards, about 500 and odd strong. Soon after them came up Colonel Parker's Regiment of Horse, consisting of eight troops in all, 300 men complete; they marched through, and took their ground about a quarter of a mile from the head of our line. A troop of the Lord Dungan's Dragoons marched in with this last regiment, but neither these nor those before mentioned encamped with us. These two days we had very foul weather, towards evening it cleared a little.
Tuesday the 27th: though the weather was extreme foul with a continual violent rain all the foot were drawn out and kept at arms all day only to satisfy the impertinent curiosity of some ladies, who appeared in a coach towards evening, and whom we were commanded to receive with the same respects as are used to be paid to the king, though there were few there who did not curse them in their hearts and even some with loud voices. For although we were obliged to obey our
superiors, who, as may appear by the course of our misfortunes, were generally better courtiers than soldiers, yet we could not but resent being fatigued a whole day at arms when the rain ran through our clothes the most part of the time as if we had been kept standing in a river up to the neck, and had no retreat but our poor tents, nothing of the king's service or martial discipline requiring this hardship to be imposed on us, but rather the drawing out of so many battalions of armed men in such unseasonable weather was to surprise the fortress of those (I doubt not overwell fortified) ladies' hearts. This night we received orders for marching the next morning.
Wednesday the 28th: the general beat at three, all the line was at arms at four, and began at five to march off from the left. First the horse guards, then two troops of Colonel Sutherland's, next the two battalions of foot guards and other regiments successively, and lastly the Lord Grand Prior's; after them followed the ammunition and baggage and Colonel Parker's Horse, which doubtless was designed to close the rear, but on the sudden without much order they marched off and left us. The country here is very open, the first mile and half a broad road between cornfields, then a common above a mile over very thick of fern, thence to Ardee about four miles. We marched through three miles farther and encamped at night between Stormanstown and Cookstown, both little more than the ruins of two gentlemen's houses. The line was extended near a mile in length, the guards taking the right, the Lord Grand Prior the left, the rest in the centre being in all but six battalions, leaving intervals for such battalions as were designed to fill up the line. The horse guards held the right and Colonel Parker's Horse the left, the Lord Dungan's Dragoons on the right of the guards. The line lay along the side of a pleasant hill, all the fields about full of grass, but very little corn.
Thursday the 29th: joined us eight complete troops of Quarter-Master General Maxwell's Regiment of Dragoons, being 400 men well armed and mounted. They encamped on the left of Parker's Horse.
Friday the 30th: the Earl of Antrim's Regiment of FootThe Earl of Antrim's Regiment had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, major, eleven captains, fourteen lieutenants, thirteen ensigns, and one officer à la suite. There were 549 men (Brit. Mus. list). Avaux gives 634. This is the only case where the French estimate exceeds the English.
Alexander Macdonnell was third Earl of Antrim and succeeded his brother in 1683. He took part in the rebellion of 1641. At the Restoration he represented Wigan at intervals from 1660 to 1683, and he attended the Irish Parliament of 1689. Tyrconnel ordered him to occupy Derry, but the citizens refused to admit his regiment of Roman Catholics. He recovered his very large estates, valued at £5,000 a year, by the articles of Limerick, but died in 1696 before his outlawry was reversed. encamped on the right next the Grand Prior's, their muster-rolls and computation amounted to near 800, but after a diligent search and inquiry I could not find above 550 private men.
Saturday the 31st: in the morning two women were hanged as spies by order of Major-General Léry,Léry, Marquis de Girardin, came with Rosen as Brigadier of cavalry. Under Lauzun he was appointed second in command with the rank of Lieut.-General, for he was a fine cavalry leader. He thought the battle of the Boyne was lost because the road north of Dundalk was not held by James (Klopp, v. 143). The enemy,
writes Berwick, by a short march towards his right by way of Armagh could have reached the plain south of Dundalk. Therefore it was resolved to give up Dundalk, to retreat and to take up a firm position on the right bank of the Boyne.
In other words, the Jacobites gave up a strong position without a battle in order to retire to a weaker one. Cf. Schomberg, July 4, in the K. K. Archives: Nous aurons le dimanche pour faire nos dispositions, en cas que les ennemis nous attendent à Drogheda, comme ils font courir le bruit; mais je ne croys pas qu'ils nous attendent à la rivière de Boyne, ayant quitté le poste le plus advantageux et qui estoit impossible pour nous de passer.
(Cf. Hoffmann's report, July 11; Burnet, iii. 52–3; Clarke Correspondence, vol. i, fols. 34, 47; Macariae Excidium, 343–6.) After July1, 1690, Léry returned to France. There are references to Léry in the Avaux Correspondence: Avaux to Louis, April 23, May 6, 1689; Avaux to Louvois, May 6, May 14, August 14, August 18; Avaux to Croissy, August 30; Avaux to Louvois, January 26, 1690. the commander-in-chief. In the afternoon the Earl of Westmeath's RegimentThe Earl of Westmeath's Regiment, formerly Colonel Francis Toole's, had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, major, eleven captains, five lieutenants, four ensigns, chaplain, surgeon, and one captain à la suite. There were fifteen companies and 814 men (Avaux).
Thomas Nugent, fourth Earl of Westmeath (1656–1752), married when about sixteen years of age. After this he followed the usual custom of those days and went abroad on the grand tour, and when he returned he was given command of a regiment of infantry. In 1689 James raised him to the peerage, although he was under age and his elder brother Richard was still alive. His name is intimately connected with the sieges of Limerick. Tyrconnel tried to procure the condemnation of Simon Luttrell for having allowed the British troops to turn a bridge over the Shannon, but Lord Westmeath warmly pleaded his cause on the ground that Brigadier Clifford was in charge of the bridge and Luttrell was in Limerick Castle at the time. Lord Westmeath succeeded his brother in 1714. about 550 strong encamped on the right of Antrim. These two days' provisions of all sorts were very scarce and
dear; the badness of the weather contributing much thereto, by reason the country about us was bare, and all necessaries brought far, which was difficult to the poor people in bad weather.
Sunday the 1st of June: nothing of note.
Monday the 2nd: a party of horse and dragoons sent out returned at night, having marched about nine miles and scarce seen any human creature but an old woman dying for want in the church at Carrickmacross, and two men on the road by whom they understood there was no body of the enemy near.
Friday the 6th: the Earl of Louth's RegimentLord Louth's Regiment had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, no major, twelve captains, thirteen lieutenants, and twelve ensigns. There were thirteen companies and 603 men (Brit. Mus. list). Avaux gives 400 men. On April 6, 1689, Pusignan wrote from Dungannon to Avaux and referred to this regiment. This letter gives much information on the position of affairs: L'on ne m'a tenu parole sur rien de tout ce qu'on m'avoit promis, pas mesme sur l'establissement de chevaux de poste que j'avois demandé si souvent, il faut que je fasse partir cet officier en arrivant icy pour rendre compte que de neuf pieces de canon qu'il y a à Charlemont tant bonnes que mauvaises, il n'y a pas un affus pour les mener en campagne, et que pour en faire faire deux par les ouvriers que j'ay amenez de Dublin en attendant ceux de Pointis, ils me demandent douze jours, encore ne sayje s'ils feront bien, ne pouvant y estre pour les faire travailler, ny M. Doé non plus qui n'est pas sans besogne pour son fait, comme moy pour le mien, car il n'y a pas seulement des fours en ce pays, c'est à dire icy et à Charlemont, mais l'on luy fait esperer qu'il ne manquera pas de bled, nous en avons desja assez considerablement, mais pour ce qui est des munitions de guerre je n'en ay trouvé nulle part sur ma route, ny mesme n'y en a-t-il point à plus de vingt milles à la ronde; il n'y a à Charlemont, que vingt boulets pour une piece de canon d'environ quatorze à quinze livres de bale, et six d'environ sept qui est le calibre des autres. Vous voyez bien, Monsieur, que cela ne vaut pas la peine de mener du canon en campagne, cependant mes charons travaillent aux deux affus que je leur ay commandé. Ayez la bonté de penser à moy, les gens de M. de Pointis, me feroient le plus grand plaisir du monde si vous pouviez me les envoyer, et des affus de canon s'il s'en trouvoit de faits, afin de gagner du temps. J 'ay veu les regimens de Bellew, de Gormeston et de Louths qui n'ont pas une espée, et fort peu de mousquets, les compagnies sont plus fortes en piques qu'en mousquets dont tres peu seront en estat de tirer; enfin je ne saurois assez vous exagerer tout ce qu'il manque en ce pays, depuis deux jours je n'ay mangé que de tres mauvais beure sur du pain d'avoine, car tout mon petit faix est demeuré derriere, vostre surtout est rompu deux fois par la piece principale qui est l'essieu, et tous ces gens cy ne savent ce que c'est que de manger quelque chose de nostre goust, et encore moins de l'offrir.
came up
to us and encamped on the right of Sir Michael Creagh. The same night His Majesty's second troop of guards joined the detachments that were with us before. The three foregoing days nothing of note happening are therefore omitted, as also the following being the 7th.
Sunday the 8th: a party of horse and dragoons under the command of Brigadier Maxwell returned, having been within two or three miles of Armagh, and hardly seen any living creature all the way. Four deserters came to us from the enemy.
Monday the 9th: four troops of Brigadier Maxwell's dragoons that were behind joined the regiment, making up twelve complete troops and near 600 men well accoutred and disciplined.
Tuesday the 10th: the camp was alarmed by a report of some body of the enemy being seen between us and Dundalk. The horse and dragoon pickets mounted, horses were taken from grass, and some parties went out, but it proved a very groundless alarm.
Wednesday the 11th: two of Sir Michael Creagh's men,Sir Michael Creagh's Regiment had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, major, twelve captains, eighteen lieutenants, and thirteen ensigns. On the list of the staff were the chaplain, adjutant, quarter-master, and surgeon. There were 633 men (Brit. Mus. list). Avaux gives 547 men. According to a French report, for one good musket ten were bad. being taken six or seven miles from the camp, were shot as deserters. The weather till now having continued very cold, wet, and raw, became on a sudden extreme hot.
Thursday, Friday, and Saturday nothing of note but that this last day being appointed a general muster; there being but one commissary of the foot only the two battalions of guards mustered.
Sunday the 15th all the other foot regiments mustered beginning from the right. The Earl of Clare's Regiment of Foot joined the army.
Tuesday the 17th: the general beat between two and three o'clock in the morning, about an hour after, the troop, with orders to decamp, the army marched off from the right towards Dundalk. First to Tallantstown Bridge near which
stands a house of the Lord Louth's, not at all considerable though once a garrison of ours, it being half thatched. Thence cross the ground we had encamped on the year before, where we found standing the entrenchments we had then made. We passed through Louth, a very poor inconsiderable village, without so much as the remains of any former grandeur, which in many parts of Ireland is to be seen in the considerable ruins that are about small places. From this poor hole does this county, esteemed one of the best in Ireland, take name. This day's march was ten miles, the country very pleasant and a rich soil, but most lying waste since this rebellion broke out into open war. It is generally hilly without any large plain, not much enclosed or rather most enclosures thrown down these times, and there being no stocks of cattle to eat it up the fields were plentifully stored with grass. Our headquarters were at Castle Bellew, a house of the lord of the same nameJames raised John Bellew to the peerage and appointed him a Privy-Councillor and Lord-Lieutenant of County Louth. At Aughrim he was captured and so severely wounded that he died in January 1692. Colonel Charles O' Kelly, the author of Macariae Excidium, had a son Denis, who married Lady Mary Bellew, a daughter of one of Queen Mary's maids of honour, and neglected her when he had spent her fortune. One of the daughters of Denis —Miss Kelly a very pretty girl—and the beaux showed their good taste by liking her
—was a correspondent of Dean Swift, and Sir Walter Scott mentions her. and colonel in His Majesty's army, about a mile from Dundalk. The army encamped on the side of a hill on the left of the head-quarters, facing towards Newry. The town of Dundalk, as was said before, within a mile of the right, the river at a considerable distance before us. The day proved excessive hot and the march long, for these are not like the ordinary miles of England. But what was most tiresome was our regiment's bringing up the rear, which is often forced to run when the van walks at ease, and is often made more uneasy through the indiscretion of commanding officers, especially when they take not good measures in marching through defiles. Upon all halts the rear is marching up while the front rests, so that they have scarce a breathing before the drum beats to march; unless general officers will be so kind to their men, where no danger is near, as to let them halt in
columns as they march, and not oblige them still to draw up in a line.
Wednesday the 18th: the Duke of Tyrconnel's and Lord Galmoy'sLord Galmoy's Regiment of Horse had a colonel, a first and second lieutenant-colonel, major, eight captains, eleven cornets, eleven quarter-masters, adjutant, surgeon, chaplain, with two barrack-masters and four French captains and five lieutenants à la suite. The first lieutenant-colonel was Laurence Dempsey whom Stevens mentions. Denis O'Kelly, son and heir of Colonel Charles O'Kelly, of Screen, County Galway, the author of Macariae Excidium, was a captain in it. There were eight companies and 338 men (Brit. Mus. list). Avaux gives 250 men. The Jacobite Narrative gives Estat des troupes du roy d'Angleterre en Irlande, 1689
, pp. 201–41: the numbers simply are those of the British Museum list (Add. 9763). In all cases more officers à la suite are given: thus in this regiment eleven are enumerated. Cf. Avaux to Louvois, September 20. Regiments of Horse came into the field, and encamped, the first on the right, the other on the left of the first line.
Thursday the 19th: the general beat at three, all the foot were at arms between five and six. About an hour after, the Earls of Westmeath and Antrim's Regiments marched and took the left of the Lord Grand Prior's, then the three regiments marched about half a mile towards Newry road, where we halted in the fields, and heard mass after which was an alarm. All the horse and dragoons mounted, the foot guards had before marched down and were posted at a distance on the right, now the horse and dragoons advanced. Several parties were sent out to the Four-mile Bridge, but it proving a false alarm, the horse and dragoons soon returned to the camp, but the foot continued at arms in the fields till nine o'clock at night.
Friday the 20th: the French and other regiments coming up, the whole army decamped, the first line pitching their tents on the top of the hill, which before were not so regular along the sides of it, and stretched out the line a considerable space on the left. The second line also moved, several regiments being removed from the first into the second.
Saturday the 21st: a strong detachment of firelocks was sent out to a castle on the Newry road. At night 200 chosen men out of five regiments, being 40 of each, were sent to lie
upon Newry road upon intelligence of some party of the enemy advancing.
Sunday the 22nd: a party of horse under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Dempsey,Lieut.-Colonel Laurence Dempsey was first lieutenant-colonel in Lord Galmoy's Horse. He belonged to an old family of King's and Queen's Counties. On June 22, 1690, James gained success in a skirmish. It being observed,
writes Clarke, that every night the latter (i.e. William) sent a party to a pass called the Half-way Bridge, to press a guard of Horse and Dragoons, which King James had there, between Dundalk and Newry, this king ordered out a party of horse and foot, under the command of Colonel Dempsey and Lieut.-Colonel FitzGerald, to lie in ambuscade, and if possible to surprise them; which was performed with such success, that the enemy's force of 200 foot and 60 dragoons fell into it at break of day, and were most of them cut off; the four captains that commanded and most of the subalterns being either killed or taken prisoners, with the loss of a few common men. On the king's side, only Colonel Dempsey himself was wounded; but he died in two or three days after.
advancing towards Newry, fell into a body of the enemy and, being overpowered, retreated; till coming to the above said detachment of 200 foot under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel FitzGeraldSir John FitzGerald's Regiment had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, major, eleven captains, twelve lieutenants, eleven ensigns, and a surgeon. There were 638 men (Brit. Mus. list). Avaux gives 193 men.
Colonel Sir John FitzGerald had been suspected at the time of the Popish Plot, and in 1680 he was arrested and conveyed to England. James appointed him lieutenant-colonel of the infantry regiment of Colonel Justin Macarthy, Lord Mountcashel, and in 1689 colonel of another infantry regiment. He served at the siege of Derry and for a time he held Ginkell in check while advancing to Athlone. After 1691 he went to France and perished at Oudenarde. and finding them receive the enemy vigorously, they rallied. The rebels made no great resistance, our foot firing hotly, but fled towards Newry, the horse pursuing them a considerable space. Of the rebels above sixty were killed, of ours a few wounded and fewer killed, among which was Lieutenant-Colonel Laurence Dempsey, shot through the shoulder whereof he died. I was not present at this action but had the account from some who were. This day was taken one who received pay as sergeant in our regiment, deserting to the enemy and hanged at the head of the battalion. Three others who together with the former, being all Scotchmen, had served in Dumbarton's RegimentLord Dumbarton had commanded a regiment in the English army, and he brought to Saint-Germain a hundred Irish soldiers from a disbanded corps. He commanded two regiments of Irish Roman Catholics, one of foot and one of horse, and a third one of Irish dragoons, but his discipline was lax. His troops came with the fleet of the Count of Château-Renault. and made their escape from Flanders into France
and thence sent over to us, went away to the rebels, which caused a reasonable suspicion that they and some of the same stamp that were among us came over as spies rather than to serve.
Monday the 23rd: the whole army prepared to march early in the morning, and moved about noon. Men were detached from each regiment to receive salt meat and bread at the stores at Dundalk, but it being known the king designed to abandon that place, the soldiers in a disorderly manner fell to plundering the stores, which caused no small confusion, every one there laying hold of what he could, and running a several way. We marched back about nine miles in such manner as looked more like a flight than deliberate retreat, and encamped on the north side of Ardee.
Tuesday, Wednesday, and Thursday nothing of note happened, but we continued in the same place and spent the two last days in exercise, and teaching the men to fire, which many of them had never been accustomed to before.
Friday the 27th: we decamped and leaving Ardee on the right marched about five miles and encamped. This place fared no better than Dundalk, being plundered by our own men and left almost desolate. Before the Rebellion it was an indifferent good town, but most of the inhabitants fled from their homes and allegiance, and the rest either dead or left worth nothing. Here we understood the enemy was advancing.
Saturday the 28th: we marched again about five miles and encamped within three of Drogheda, near a small village, along cornfields, gardens, and meadows, the river Boyne in the rear. This night no word was given, but about midnight in great hurry ammunition delivered out, then orders to take down all tents and send away the baggage. This done the whole army drew out without beat of drum and stood at their arms the whole night, expecting the approach of the enemy.
Sunday the 29th: about break of day no enemy appearing, the army began to march in two columns, the one through
Drogheda, the other over the river at Oldbridge, and encamped again in two lines in very good order on the south side of the Boyne, between two and three miles from Drogheda, the river running along the whole front; the design being to make good the passes of it against the enemy, who were too strong to be engaged in plain field till we were reinforced or they obliged to fight at disadvantage, it being very easy to keep the passes of the river, and the rebels being in some distress for want of provisions. But no human policies are sufficient to stop the course of fate.James and Lauzun had chosen their position well. A deep river lay in front, beyond the river stretched a morass, and beyond it again rising ground, high and steep. The enemy could not see how many regiments lay hidden in the dips of the ground. Breastworks had been erected along the edge of the river; these and the fences of the field afforded shelter for the defending force. Even if the Williamites succeeded in fording the river, the successive rises in the ground gave many opportunities for making fresh stands. The stone house at Oldbridge had been entrenched and loopholed; the rest of the village also had been entrenched and was held by foot and Tyrconnel's Dragoons. The Irish army possessed, therefore, a fine front and a sure retreat through Duleek. Note that James concerned himself with the defensive, not with the offensive. The authorities for the battle — Kane, Mullenaux, Richardson, Parker, Story, and the author of Wars in Ireland — were all at Oldbridge, and hence they give detailed accounts of events there. This means that little attention is bestowed upon the right wing and the English regiments. Clarke Correspondence, T.C.D., July 20, vol. i, f. 55, W. Blathwayt. Stevens was not at Oldbridge: he was at Duleek.
Monday the 30th: early in the morning the enemy appeared on the tops of the hills beyond the river, some of the poor country people flying before them. They marched down and spread themselves along the sides of the hills where they encamped, but so as we could not discover them all, a great part being covered by the higher grounds. Part of our cannon was carried down and planted on the pass or ford, which from thence played upon some regiments of theirs, and did some but not considerable execution. After noon they began to play upon us with their cannon and some mortars, but no considerable damage was received on either side.
Tuesday the 1st of July: very early the tents were thrown down, the baggage sent away, but the soldiers ordered to carry their tents, some of which were afterwards together with their snapsacks laid in heaps in the fields with some
few sentinels, the rest thrown about as they marched, but in conclusion, as the fortune of the day was, all lost. We had this morning received advice that the enemy marching by night had beaten off a regiment of our dragoons that guarded the bridge of Slane and possessed themselves of it, and now we saw them marching off from their right towards it. We on the other side marched from the left, the river being between both: for a considerable space we marched under the enemy's cannon, which they played furiously without any intermission, yet did but little execution. We continued marching along the river till coming in sight of the enemy who had passed it and were drawing up, we marched off to the left as well to leave ground for them that followed to draw up, as to extend our line equal with theirs, and finding them still stretching out towards their right we held on our march to the left. Being thus in expectation of advancing to engage, news was brought us that the enemy, having endeavoured to gain the pass we had left behind, were repulsed with considerable loss on both sides, the Lord Dungan, a colonel of dragoons, and many brave men of ours being killed. This latter part was true, the former so far from it that they gained the ford, having done much execution on some of our foot that at first opposed them and quite broke such of our horse as came to rescue the foot, in which action the horse guards and Colonel Parker's Regiment of Horse behaved themselves with unspeakable bravery,The Irish horse, under the spirited Parker, charged fiercely through the Williamite French soldiers — who had no pikes to receive cavalry — and Ruviguy's son, Caillemotte, fell mortally wounded. Schomberg sprang forward to take the place of the fallen officer, but a bullet in the neck laid the old commander low. The behaviour of the Irish horse here and at Platin House merits a comparison with the devotion of the Austrian cavalry at Königgrätz. Parker's and Tyrconnel's troops suffered the severest losses. Nous ne laissâmes pas de charger et recharger dix fois,
writes the Duke of Berwick, and Zurlauben bears similar testimony. This great half-hour's struggle saved James's army from complete destruction. The defeat could not be turned into a rout, which might have ended the war at a single blow. Had the Irish foot shown the same determination as the cavalry the issue of the day might have been different. Though there was no complete rout, and their gallant cavalry had given them time to make fresh dispositions, the infantry could not be rallied in the hedgerows at Donore, but retreated in much disorder to Duleek. It is worthy of note that to July 1690 Stevens devotes most space. but not being seconded and overpowered by the enemy after
having done what men could do they were forced to save their remains by flight, which proved fatal to the foot. For the horse in general, taking their flight towards the left, broke the whole line of the foot, riding over all our battalions. The Lord Grand Prior's wherein I served was then in Duleek Lane, enclosed with high banks, marching ten in rank. The horse came on so unexpected and with such speed, some firing their pistols, that we had no time to receive or shun them, but all supposing them to be the enemy (as indeed they were no better to us) took to their heels, no officer being able to stop the men even after they were broken, and the horse past, though at the same time no enemy was near us or them that fled in such haste to our destruction. This I can affirm, having stayed in the rear till all the horse were past, and looking about I wondered what madness possessed our men to run so violently nobody pursuing them. What few men I could see I called to, no commands being of force, begging them to stand together and repair to their colours, the danger being in dispersing; but all in vain, some throwing away their arms, others even their coats and shoes to run the lighter. The first cause I had to suspect the rout at the ford was that the Duke of Berwick,The Duke of Berwick (1670–1734) was the eldest son of Arabella Churchill, sister of the Duke of Marlborough, and James II. His youth accounts for his weak government at Limerick. He was a cautious general of the type of Turenne and Moreau whose genius shone in sieges and defensive operations. Montesquieu in the éloge prefixed to his Memoirs compares him to Turenne. Tous deux ils avoient laissé des desseins,
he writes, interrompus, tous les deux une armée en péril; tous les deux finirent d'une mort qui intéresse plus que les morts communes; tous les deux avoient ce mérite modeste pour lequel on aime à s'attendrir, et que l'on aime à regretter.
Montesquieu also remarks, Telle fut l'étoile de cette Maison de Churchill qu'il en sortit deux hommes, dont l'un, dans le même temps, fut destiné à ébranler, et l'autre à soutenir, les deux grandes monarchies de l'Europe.
Avaux describes Berwick as a very brave man, but a bad officer, and with no common sense
. In his Memoirs Berwick states his belief that Aughrim would not have been a victory even if St.-Ruth had lived, and he makes it clear that he was disgusted at the endless divisions of the Irish parties (335). whose command was with the horse, came to us and discovering a party of horse at a distance, thinking they were the enemy, commanded our musketeers to line the side of the bank over which they appeared, till finding they were our own men we continued our march. This first made
me apprehend all was not well, and was soon confirmed, hearing it whispered among the field officers, but in conclusion what I have before related put us all beyond doubt. I shall not presume to write all the particulars of this unfortunate day's transactions, the confusion being such that few can pretend to do it. I will therefore proceed to what followed as far as I can assert for truth. I thought the calamity had not been so general till viewing the hills about us I perceived them covered with soldiers of several regiments, all scattered like sheep flying before the wolf, but so thick they seemed to cover the sides and tops of the hills. The shame of our regiment's dishonour only afflicted me before; but now all the horror of a routed army, just before so vigorous and desirous of battle and broke without scarce a stroke from the enemy, so perplexed my soul that I envied the few dead, and only grieved I lived to be a spectator of so dismal and lamentable a tragedy. Scarce a regiment was left but what was reduced to a very inconsiderable number by this, if possible, more than panic fear. Only the French can be said to have rallied, for only they made head against the enemy, and a most honourable retreat, bringing off their cannon, and marching in very good order after sustaining the shock of the enemy, who thereupon made a halt, not only to the honour of the French but the preservation of the rest of the scattered army. Nor ought any part of this glory to be attributed to the Count de Lauzun, or La Hoguette,The Marquis de la Hoguette, an extremely brave general, accompanied Lauzun as Maréchal de Camp. After the battle of the Boyne he wrote to Louvois on July 14: Je n'ay pas le temps de vous faire le destails de désastre qui est arrivé à l'armée du Roy d'Angleterre, lequel vient de me dire tout presentement qu'il vouloit partir tout à l'heure. J'aurai l'honneur de vous en écrire par la première occasion. Je vous diray seulement que nous n'avons pas été battu mais que les ennemies ont chassé devant eux les troupes irlandaises comme les moutons, sans avoir essayé un seul coup de mousquet. J'espère que le Roi ne désapprouvait de ma conduite. Sa Majesté sera toujours maitre de ma vie, mais non pas de m'envoyer à la guerre avec de pareils generaux
(vol. 960). In October he sent another report of the battle from Galway from which it is evident that he was amongst those driven before the enemy like sheep. Zurlauben reports that M. de Lauzun prit la partie de nous abandonner avec Messieurs de La Hoguette, Faméchon, Chamerade, et Mérode
. At Passage Hoguette found a St. Malo privateer of twenty-eight guns, named the Lauzun, and he persuaded the captain to convey James to France on July 13. Louis sent Hoguette to Savoy to succeed Saint-Ruth and he was killed at Marsaglia. who at first left their men, but only to the valour and conduct of M. Zurlauben, colonel of the Blue
Regiment, who with unparalleled bravery headed and brought off his men, whereas the other two fled and more especially Hoguette was in such a consternation that the next day when he was above thirty miles from the enemy he caused a bridge to be broken for fear of pursuit, though at the same time the river was passable for foot both above and below the said bridge, so great is the infatuation of a coward when no danger is near but what his weak imagination suggests. The Lord Grand Prior's Regiment, but a little before consisting of 1,000 men including all officers, now gathered to about 400, and the most part of those in such posture as promised rather the repeating their late shame than the revenging of it on their enemies. Some had lost their arms, others their coats, others their hats and shoes, and generally every one carried horror and consternation in his face. Many officers were not exempt from having their part of the disgrace with the soldiers, above half being missing when we endeavoured to rally, some were not heard of till we met in Limerick, and some stayed in Dublin till the coming of the enemy, who showed them no other favour than to make them all prisoners. Of those who appeared several had thrown away their leading staves, others their pistols they were before observed to carry in their girdles, and even some for lightness had left their swords behind them, and I can affirm it as a truth being an eyewitness I saw an ensign had cast off his hat, coat and shoes to make the better use of his heels, which he also did the second time at Limerick when the great assault was made the first siege. I could give a list of many of their names but that I think them too infamous to fill up any place here, yet I have since seen several of them and even that ensign above mentioned preferred and in esteem, when others have been put by their right for no other reason given but because they were wounded in the service, and those men have carried themselves with such insolence as if there had been no witnesses left of their cowardice. This, as well for number as goodness of men, was esteemed one of the best regiments of foot in the army,
and being such may sufficiently declare what became of the rest. Brigadier Wauchope,John Wauchope as brigadier served at Derry, commanded at Cavan in 1690, and was Governor of the Castle of Athlone when Ginkell captured the town. After the second siege of Limerick he and Sarsfield settled the terms of surrender to Ginkell. His friends and kinsmen, the Drummonds and Lord Middleton, aided him in his career, and Berwick placed much confidence in his judgement. With Sarsfield he used his persuasive power in order to induce the Irish to enter the French service after 1691. While heading his brigade he was killed at the battle of Marsaglia, 1693. who commanded our brigade, and whose greatest confidence was in our regiment, finding them in no disposition for service, commanded to march up the hill. I, being the eldest lieutenant then present, led the second division of shot, and perceived, as we marched, the first to open to the right and left and begin to disperse, whereupon I commanded to close and keep their ranks, but they answered they had none to lead them, the brigadier and colonel being a little advanced to the top of the hill to view the enemy below, and the captains on what pretence I know not having all quitted their post. I soon reduced the men and for a while marched at the head of them till some captains returning I went back to my own post. What with the ill example of the officers and what with the terror that had seized the whole army, when we had reached the top of the hill in despite of all commands or persuasions the men instantly slunk away, so that within half an hour or little more we had scarce eighty left together. We held on our march all day our men dispersing in such manner that we could hardly keep twenty with the colours. The like small remains of many other regiments bore us company. By the way some few of the Lord Dungan's dragoonsLord Dungan's Regiment of Dragoons had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, major, twelve captains, thirteen lieutenants, thirteen cornets, twelve quarter-masters, and six officers reformés. There were twelve companies and 539 men. Avaux gives 360 men. The lieutenant-colonel, Francis Carroll, afterwards became full colonel of a distinct regiment of dragoons. Richard Bellew, second son of Lord Bellew, who formed an infantry regiment, was a captain in it. The Carrolls, like the Purcells, were a family of fighting men. Four served in this regiment, and the name also appears in Lord Galway's Regiment, in the Earl of Westmeath's, in Lord Bellew's, Lord Gormanstown's, Charles Moore's, Sir Michael Creagh's, Colonel Heward Oxburgh's, and in Lord Galmoy's Horse.
To Lord Dungan there are references in Clarendon's Correspondence (i. 343, 566; ii. 24). In a letter to the king, March 27, Avaux refers to him: Le neveu de Mylord Tirconnel est un des Catholiques avec qui j'ay eu quelque conference. Je scay qu'il en a esté fort content, et qu'il souhaitte fort de faire une estroite liaison entre Mylord Tirconnel et moy.
He sat in Parliament in 1689 as a member for Naas, and on the tenth day of the session James sent him with important dispatches to Derry (E. 2. 19, T.C.D.). He was slain at the battle of the Boyne by one of the first cannon shots (Clarke, ii. 399). On October 21 Avaux wrote to Louvois: J'ay parlé aussy au Roy, de Mylord Dungan, pour un des colonels. C'est un jeune homme fort vif et plein de bonne volonté. II est colonel des dragons, et fils de Mylord Limrick, et neveu de Dungan qui a servy en France. Ce jeune homme meurt d'envie d'y aller. Je l'ay demandé au Roy, qui m'a repondu qu'il ne le vouloit pas, et que je voulois prendre tous ses officiers.
joined us, who were in no less
confusion than the foot. This day's flight was attended with all the fear and confusion that may be imagined in men surrounded with the greatest of dangers, though ours through the providence of God and valour of the French had none to pursue or offend them. For the enemy finding the French stand and some of our horse to make head never pursued their victory or improved their advantage,The Irish had retired in fairly good order, and William did not know the character of the regiments of militia James had raised in Dublin. (True and Perfect Account of the Affairs in Ireland since his Majesty's Arrival in that Kingdom. By a Person of Quality, 1690). Drogheda, too, remained untaken. Moreover, William could not overlook the fact that his recruits had not met the French veterans in the fight; there they had encountered the Irish. The soldiers were too tired to engage in active pursuit of the enemy (Dalrymple, iii. 150). William himself was thoroughly wearied: for thirty-five hours out of forty he had been in the saddle. His siege train had not arrived. Above all, there was the vital consideration that his commissariat was not with the army, and the land was so exhausted that no resources could be derived from it. Story, 23, 89; Clarke, ii. 400; Mémoires du Maréchal de Berwick, i. 70–2; Villare Hibernicum, 8; Burnet, ii. 59, 64, says: — After James's army was broken up William was of the opinion that the Irish would scatter and then surrender. A sharp pursuit would have accordingly brought about only a useless defeat. And he always had a horror of that.
Light to the Blind, 604, says: — But the Prince of Orange observing the king's army to make so good a countenance, thought it more prudent to halt, and suffer them to march away.
On general reasons for non-pursuit cf. The Nation in Arms, by Von der Goltz (362–3), and A Staff Officer's Scrap-Book, by Sir Ian Hamilton (i. 117). which if they had done a small party might have cut us off, so that none had been left to make head again and but few of those present to lament the misfortune of the day. Whether treason, cowardice, or ill conduct had the greatest share in the shame and losses of this day with many remains in dispute, nor can be decided by me not being privy to the counsels nor in a post to see all
particulars, or be a competent judge of the actions of generals.It is remarkable that James took no part in the fight, for he watched it from Donore. This conduct is singular when the fact is recalled that he had at stake everything men hold dear and that the Prince of Condé said that if ever there was a man without fear, it was the Duke of York. The soldier blamed the officer, the officer the general, some were accused as traitors, others as unskilful of their duty, but the greatest imputation was of want of valour. But if it be lawful for me to give my sentiments on the matter in my opinion much may be laid upon mismanagement, but much more upon cowardice, and am apt to believe all the clamour of treason was raised by some who had given the most eminent signs of fear to cover theirs and the general disgrace. To prove there was treachery it was given out that the cannon which commanded the ford upon the enemy's coming down to force that pass was first forbidden to be fired and then drawn off; that several regiments appointed by the king to make good the said ford were commanded away unknown by whom, and that when the enemy had possessed themselves of the ditches about it the horse were sent down to charge them, it being the duty of the foot, whereby many of those horse were lost and the remainder put to the rout. It is agreed on all hands the action at the ford was ill managed, but not having been present I will not speak to particulars, [or] only in general what is allowed by all. That there was not a sufficient number of foot left to maintain it, and even most of those that were came down too late, and as was said before the horse were put to repulse the enemy's foot who had before possessed themselves of the ditches. As touching the cannon it was doubtless time to draw it off when, had it stayed but never so little, it must have fallen into the hands of the enemy. I cannot but think it was some oversight to march the most of the foot, who were to engage the enemy that came over at Slane Bridge, along the sides of the hills by the river under the enemy's cannon, when there was a way above shorter and out of the reach of their shot. Having passed that and extending to make an equal line with the enemy towards the left we were again marched through lanes
when there were plain open fields both in front and rear. No general officer above a brigadier was seen among us, and, which is very rare, no word given to us. Nor is it to be forgot that His Majesty, having appointed brandy to be distributed to each regiment so that each man might receive a small proportion, in order to cheer them for the fatigue of the day, it was never delivered till we were marching, when the soldiers, quitting their ranks for greediness of the liquor, not having time to stay, beat out the heads of the hogsheads and dipped into them the kettles they had to boil their meat, drinking so extravagantly that I am sure above 1,000 men were thereby rendered unfit for service, and many were left dead drunk scattered about the fields. But, to come to our last point, it was certainly an unparalleled fright that caused our own horse to ride over the greatest part of our first line of foot and break ten or twelve of our battalions, firing upon them as enemies, and yet I must confess some of these were the men that with great bravery had sustained the shock of the enemy's horse, and were outdone by numbers not by valour, I mean Colonel Parker's Regiment.Colonel John Parker's Regiment of Horse had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, two majors, seven captains, nine lieutenants, six cornets, eight quarter-masters, and a surgeon. Four officers were French. There were eight companies and 431 men (Brit. Mus. list). Avaux gives 400 men. Cf. Avaux to Louvois, September 20.
Colonel John Parker (fl. 1676–1705) was a descendant of John Parker, Master of the Rolls in Ireland, 1552. On August 26, 1689, James resolved to meet Schomberg and he brought with him to Drogheda two hundred of Parker's Horse and a hundred of his own Horse-Guards. Parker's regiment fought most gallantly at the battle of the Boyne. Parker was wounded. The lieutenant-colonel, Greene, Major James Doddington and many other officers were killed: of the two squadrons of that regiment there came off only about thirty sound men
(Clarke, ii. 373; Graham's Derriana, 31). He must be distinguished from Captain Robert Parker, who fought on the Williamite side. Robert's Memoirs were published in Dublin in 1746 and they conclude thus: Here I choose to retire from the noise and hurry of life, in which I have so long been engaged; though, had I continued in the army, I might have expected promotion equal with them with whom I was then on a level. But, however that may have been, I would not have arrived at any preferment, which would have afforded me the true satisfaction and content, which I enjoy in my retirement; not envying any, and (as I believe) not envied by any. Here I have an opportunity of making an atonement for the follies of youth, and of exercising my mind, with a thankful remembrance of the wonderful mercies of Providence.
He was concerned in the assassination plot of 1693, escaped from the Tower, 1694; was confined in the Bastille for offending Mary of Modena, 1702; and on his return made overtures to the English Government. There is no place of excuse for the
dragoons, especially the Earl of Clare's,Lord Clare's Regiment of Dragoons had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, major, ten captains, twelve lieutenants, twelve cornets, thirteen quarter-masters, adjutant, chaplain, and surgeon. Neither the British Museum list nor Avaux records the number of companies or of men.
Lord Clare (d. 1690) was Daniel O'Brien, son of the second Viscount, and there were seven of his name serving in the regiment. There were also O'Briens in the following regiments: Galmoy's, Sarsfield's, Abercorn's, Sutherland's, and Tyrconnel's Horse; Clifford's Dragoons; Mountcashel's, Tyrone's, Thomas Butler's, the Grand Prior's, Kilmallock's, Sir Michael Creagh's, and Boisseleau's. From the facing of the uniform this regiment was known as the Dragoons buy
(yellow). As a rule it fought bravely, but at the Boyne it behaved shamefully. Lord Clare was a Privy Councillor in 1684, and was Lord Lieutenant of the county of Clare. He served under Catinat in 1692, and was killed at the battle of Marsaglia, 1693. (commonly known by the name of Yellow Dragoons, being the colour of their clothes) who were the first that fled having scarce seen the enemy, and that with such recipitation that several of them carried the news the next day to Limerick, and some not thinking themselves safe there with the same speed into the remotest parts of the county of Clare, their native soil, being above 100 miles from the Boyne. Neither does the baseness of the foot appear less notorious, for some regiments being broken by our own horse, others though untouched took the flight for company, and neither the one nor the other could ever be prevailed with to make head against the enemy and second the French (who were in danger to be cut off), nor so much as to form their battalions and march off with their colours in good order. To the contrary though the action was not till noon several foot soldiers made such haste that they were seen in Dublin before three of the clock, having in that short time run near twenty miles, which perhaps might have had some colour of excuse had the enemy been at their heels, but there was none to hurt and it was only their own fear pursued them. The weight of our misfortunes made me forget many particulars, and yet methinks I have said too much and dwelt too long on a subject of so much shame, God of his goodness make all men sensible of their dishonour that they may resolve to live victorious or at least die honourably. In the condition I have before mentioned we marched or rather fled till it was
quite dark, when the Duke of Berwick ordered to halt in a field about five miles from Dublin, there being now left together the colours of only five or six regiments and at first halting not above 100 men in all, though before morning we were much increased, sentinels being placed on the road to turn all soldiers in to the field. In this place we took some rest on the grass till break of day. As to my own particular I wonder I outlived the miseries of this dismal day, but that I have since found I was reserved to suffer many more and if possible much greater. Grief (though the greatest) was not my only burden, marching from three in the morning afoot till dark night, the excessive heat of the sun, and a burning thirst proceeding from the aforesaid causes, which was so vehement I could not quench it though drinking at every ditch and puddle, were all together sufficient to have conquered a much stronger body. But God who gave the cross gave me strength to carry it, that I might have part in the remainder of our chastisement and I hope in His mercy, when our sins by our sufferings shall be expiated and His anger appeased. He will also grant me the blessing of seeing my sovereign restored to his throne victorious.
Wednesday the 2nd: at break of day those few drums there were beat as formally as if we had been a considerable body, but it was only mere form and we scarce the shadows of regiments, the bodies being dispersed and gone. What was left in dismal manner marched as far as Dublin, where when each commanding officer came to view his strength, shame of marching in such case through the city we not long before had filled with expectation of our actions and hopes of gathering part of the scattered herd caused us to halt in the fields without the town. The colours of each regiment being fixed on eminences that all stragglers might know whither to repair, in the space of near three hours each regiment had gathered a small number, the Grand Prior's as one of the most considerable being then 100 strong. Thus we marched through the skirts of the city, passing over the river at the Bloody Bridge, which is the farthest off in the suburbs, being now only the remains of four regiments, the others being either quite
dispersed or gone other ways, we halted again in a field at Kilmainham, a hamlet adjoining to the city. The general opinion was that we were to encamp in the park till such time as our men came up, and what forces had not been in the rout as also the militia should join us, and then either maintain the city, or, if it were judged expedient, give the enemy battle, which gave occasion to some of our small number to steal away into town thinking they might soon be back with us. But about noon we were all undeceived, the other three regiments having orders to march, and ours only left there without any or knowing whence to expect them. Being thus left by all our lieutenant-colonel marched us away, which we did not hold above a quarter of an hour when we were reduced to only twenty men with the colours. On the road we overtook the Lord Kilmallock's Regiment, which was untouched, being quartered in Dublin when the defeat at the Boyne.Lord Kilmallock's Regiment had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, major, nineteen captains, thirteen lieutenants, twelve ensigns, chaplain, and surgeon. There were thirteen companies and 720 men (Brit. Mus. list). Avaux gives 500 men. Hugolin Spenser, a grandson of Edmund Spenser, was a lieutenant in this regiment.
Dominick Sarsfield was fifth Viscount of Kilmallock. He was colonel of an infantry regiment, member of the Privy Council, sat in the House of Lords in 1689, played a distinguished part at the first siege of Limerick and was present at the battle of Aughrim. On October 30, Avaux wrote to Louvois: J'ay demandé un autre colonel, qui s'appele Mylord Kilmaloc (i. e. to go to France with the Irish Brigade): c'est un jeune homme pour qui j'ay eu toutes les peines du monde d'obtenir la permission de former un regiment, il y a trois mois. Mais parce qu'il a esté tres assidu et tres appliqué, et qu'il ne s'est occupé qu'à maintenir son regiment en bon estat, on est à cette heure content de luy, et on n'a pas voulu me le donner. Ce Mylord auroit parfaitement reussi en France, et je croy, Monsieur, que vous l'estimerez par l'endroit que j'ay cru qu'il meritoit de l'estre, et par lequel neantmoins on l'a fort meprisé au commencement en ce pays cy; c'est qu'estant Irlandois Catholique, et depouillé de tous ses biens, il changea de nom, et alla porter le mousquet dans le regiment de——; son capitaine luy trouvant de la valeur et de l'application, le fit sergent. Mylord Kilmaloc ne voulut pas dire qui il estoit, et exerca cet employ pendant quelques années, jusques à ce qu'il soit revenu en Irlande avec le Roy d'Angleterre, et il a esté remis par le Parlement en possession de son bien, qui va à ce qu'on dit, à plus de cinquante mille frans par an.
Lord Kilmallock lost his estates in the rebellion of 1641, and after the Restoration they were not returned to him. He then enlisted under an assumed name in the English Guards, and reached the rank of sergeant by merit. The whole day was a continual series of false alarms, the greatest reached us within two miles of the Naas, where Kilmallock's
officers attempting to draw up their men to line the hedges, the confusion and terror of the soldiers who had never seen the enemy was such they were forced in all haste to march away. It was ridiculous to see the brother of the traitor O'Donnell,Macariae Excidium records: The loss of Cythera (Galway), without any resistance, was seconded with the desertion of Leogones (O'Donnell) It seems he had a friend in the Cilician (English) camp, by whose procurement Ororis (Ginkell) writ him a letter, importing his willingness to serve a person of his honour and worth, who behaved himself so well in the Egyptian (Spanish) service; that he was not ignorant of the ill-treatment he received since his coming into Cyprus (Ireland); and that now he had an opportunity offered, to be revenged of his enemies, and advance his own fortune. Leogenes (O'Donnell) having given cause enough to suspect his fidelity, and apprehending a design of his own men to secure his person, retired by night out of Cerbia (Sligo); and he hastily concluded the treaty that very day, and, thereby revolting from his natural Prince, he unhappily joined with the sworn enemies of his country.
On Baldearg O'Donnell, cf. Story 8, 123–4, 145–6,182–3; Clarke, ii. 434; Clarke Correspondence, October 28, November 4, 1690; Mémoire donné par un homme du Comte O'Donnel à M. d'Avaux, 735. who had the name of lieutenant-colonel reformed in our regiment, pretend to take authority upon him here, and order us to line the hedges, when at that time our whole strength was but six musketeers, eight pikes, four ensigns, and one lieutenant besides myself, to this was that but the day before hopeful regiment reduced, and yet not one of the number killed, unless they perished who were left drunk when we fled which were four or five. For our comfort no enemy was within twenty miles of us, but fear never thinks itself out of danger. We followed Kilmallock's men with such speed it had been hard for an enemy to overtake us, and that regiment though till then untouched was in such a consternation that when they came to the Naas they were not 100 strong. Here being quite spent with marching two days without rest or food I used my utmost endeavours to persuade O'Donnell, who as I said pretended to act as lieutenant-colonel, to take up quarters for the few men that were left, to refresh them that night, and be the better able to march next morning, but all in vain. The general infection had seized him and he fancied each minute he stayed was to him time lost and an opportunity given to the enemy to gain ground upon us. Therefore following the dictates of his fear he hasted away commanding
all to follow him, but necessity pressing more than his usurped authority, I stayed a while in the town with an ensign who had a lame horse, and having refreshed ourselves with bread and drink which was all the town afforded, we followed both on the same lame creature five miles to Kilcullen Bridge, where we could hear no news of our men, though they lay there that night. So inconsiderable was a regiment grown that it could not be heard of in a town where there are not above twenty or thirty houses and but three good ones. Here we took up for the remaining part of the night in a waste house, and rested the best we could till break of day.
Thursday the 3rd: we were roused out of a dead sleep, proceeding from excessive weariness not from the easiness of the beds which were no other than the planks, at break of day by a great number of dragoons and others riding through the town as fast as their horses could carry them, and crying the enemy was within a mile of them. Being awaked and our lodging nothing pleasant we set out on our lame horse and having travelled five or six miles were overtaken by the Duke of Tyrconnel Richard Talbot, Earl of Tyrconnel (1630–91), was the man who made Ireland the inevitable refuge for James. On May 17, 1689, Avaux wrote to Louis: Mylord Duc Tirconnel est malade, autant de chagrin que d'autre chose; il voit avec déplaisir que Mylord Melfort prend trop d'ascendant sur l'esprit du Roy, et qu'il gouverne presque toutes choses dans ce pays-cy; vostre Maiesté perdroit infiniment si cet homme venoit à manquer, et si c'estoit un François qui fust Viceroy d'lrlande, il ne seroit pas plus zelé pour les interests de vostre Maiesté.
He was on good terms with Lauzun, but on bad terms with St.-Ruth and Sarsfield. The correspondence of Avaux teems with references to the rivalry existing between him and Melfort: Avaux to Louis, May 12 and May 27, cleverly contrasts the two rivals. The remarks of Colonel O'Kelly and Stevens about the gaiety of Dublin receive confirmation from the parties given by the Duchess of Tyrconnel. Three of her daughters married respectively Viscount Rosse, Viscount Kingsland, and Henry, Viscount Dillon. The verdict of the Light to the Blind is: Thus this great man fell, who in his fall pulled down a mighty edifice, videlicet a considerable Catholic nation, for there was no other subject left able to support the national cause.
Berwick sums him up as a man of very good sense, very obliging, but immoderately vain and full of cunning. He had not military genius, but he possessed much courage. From the time of the battle of the Boyne he sank prodigiously, being become as irresolute in mind as unwieldy in his person.
On the Irish divisions, cf. Berwick, i. 359–62; Macpherson, i. 232: There were factions between the French and the Irish, and between the Irish and themselves; when the enemy gave them respite, their whole business was to fight among themselves.
Thus Rosen advised the king to go to Derry, but Tyrconnel opposed this. When Schomberg landed Rosen wanted to retire to Athlone, but Tyrconnel proposed Drogheda. Rosen opposed the march of the army from Drogheda to Ardee, while Tyrconnel counselled it. and his family, some whereof challenged
the horse, and indeed he had the king's mark, they being too strong for us to cope with, for then might was the greatest right. They carried him away leaving us afoot weary, and without friends, or money. In this condition being desperate we attacked a village with design to force away a horse under the colour of pressing, but in reality was not much better than robbing. But the women of the village, setting up the cry, soon gave the alarm to all the men that were abroad, who flocking in with their roperies or half pikes had put us to the rout again, but that I had my leading staff which being longer than their weapons terrified and made them give way where I came, but whatever was gained I was forced to lose to protect my companion, who having no weapon but his sword was too hard set, and doubtless had he been furnished with a half-pike we had got the better of the whole village and forced away two horses. As the case stood we were obliged to quit our pretensions and march off without horses, but not without some peals of curses for our good intentions and the good bangs I had given some of the men in the skirmish. Thus disappointed we struggled with weariness in hopes to reach Athy, when a great shower of rain falling increased our misfortune, making the ground so slippery we could scarce draw our tired limbs along. Now again in extremity it pleased God to relieve us, for a friend of mine, one Mr. Dowdall,Sir Luke, Patrick, and Edward Dowdall were captains in the king's Regiment of Infantry: another Edward Dowdall and Joseph were quarter-master and ensign respectively in Lord Louth's Regiment; two held commissions in Colonel Richard Nugent's, John was promoted to a majority in Lord Bellew's, and another was chaplain in Lord Abercorn's Horse. Launcelot Dowdall's name was returned for the shrievalty of the county of Meath (Singer, i. 286). John was a representative of Dundalk in the parliament of 1689, and Henry was Recorder of Drogheda. Sir Luke belonged to Old Connaught, county of Dublin. Cf. Tyrconnel's remark to him, March 11, 1688/9, f. 102, 917 (Brit. Mus.). Cf. Vicars, 142. overtaking of us well mounted took me up behind him and a cornet of Luttrell's RegimentColonel Simon Luttrell's Regiment of Dragoons had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, major, nine captains, eight lieutenants, nine cornets, and only one quarter-master. There were seven companies and 374 men (Brit. Mus. list). Avaux gives 150 men. This regiment must be distinguished from Colonel Henry Luttrell's Regiment of Horse. my companion, I having
long refused to ride unless he were mounted, thus they carried us four miles to Athy. Hoping the rain would cease we stayed till almost evening refreshing ourselves, and it being then too late to travel took up our quarters at Shanganagh, a small village a mile from Athy, and found the best entertainment we had met with since the unhappy rout. Athy is part in the county of Kildare and part in the Queen's county, divided by a small river, which parts the town and two counties, which are again joined here by a good stone bridge. The town is pretty large and well built after the ancient manner, though not equal with the cities, yet not inferior to most towns of that country.
Friday the 4th: meeting a servant to one of our lieutenants I borrowed a horse he had, and pressed or forced away another about a mile from our quarters, but without saddle or bridle, which was very uneasy, but anything more tolerable than going afoot, and thus mounted we got about noon to Kilkenny, which is sixteen miles.There is no known reason for the detour Stevens now makes. To do justice I restored the horse to his owner before entering the town, contrary to the advice of all present, but as it was unjust to detain the horse without any other pretension but force so it was inhuman to do it after the poor man had followed sixteen miles afoot upon my promise of restitution. Nor was the manner of taking the horse unpleasant, for at least twenty of the poor people flocking to his defence with several weapons. I frighted away and kept them all oft by presenting a matchlock I had taken from the lieutenant's man, though without powder, ball, or so much as a match. All the shops and public-houses in the town were shut, and neither meat nor drink to be had though many were fainting through want and weariness. Hunger and thirst put me forward to seek relief, where nothing but necessity could have carried me, but the invincible power of want hides all blushes, so hearing the stores at the castle were broken up and much bread and drink given out, I resolved to try my
fortune there and found drink carried out in pails, and many of the rabble drunk with what they had got; yet upon my approach I perceived some officers whom want had carried thither as well as me but were somewhat more forward, so ill treated by Brigadier Wauchope first and next by the Duke of Tyrconnel, who gave a lieutenant a thrust on the breast with his cane, that I went away resolved rather to perish than run the hazard of being ill used. As soon as we were drove away the town and stores were sold for £300, which a great officer of ours put into his own pocket, when good men were perishing with hunger and weariness, and what was left to the enemy might have plentifully relieved their wants. Our colours and some officers were now in town but no soldiers, so the ensigns were ordered to strip their colours, and thus we set out on our way to Limerick, my ensign having met me there, and furnished me with a mare he had taken up upon the road. A troop of Dublin militia marched this day for Limerick. We set out five in company, and having travelled about six miles over the mountain found night drawing on, and therefore struck down to a small village in the famous bog of Monelly. Here are the ruins of an ancient monastery, and is therefore to this day called the monastery of Kilcooly. There is nothing left of it but the ruined walls divided into two or three little tenements, the churchyard enclosed, the church walls are standing which show it to have been large and beautiful, there are several tombs, round one of which belonging to some of the Butlers are still the twelve Apostles and upon one of the walls a crucifix and image of our blessed lady at the foot of it, all of marble. The bog of Monelly by some is reported to be sixty, by others thirty miles in length. I cannot find it to be so much as the lesser computation, but at that time being a dry summer it looked more like a pleasant plain than bog, being full of cornfields, meadows, castles and villages, enclosed all round with high mountains to which it yields a delightful prospect. It is very level and they say in winter most overflowed, and in time of great rains the villages almost inaccessible, but even in the hottest season some parts are impassable, This place is eight miles from Kilkenny; in it we
found good entertainment for ourselves and horses, which was all the comfort left amidst so many fatigues and misfortunes.
Saturday the 5th: on our march we passed by Clonamicklon, a house of the Lord IkerrinStevens gives the name of this peer as Vickeries, but there is no such peer. His ear was bad and he probably heard 'Vick' where his informant said 'Ik'. about a mile from Kilcooly, and rested five miles farther at Killenaule, a small poor village on the mountain, whence we travelled to Cashel which is six miles. It is an archbishopric and the metropolitan see of Munster, and one of the ancientest in the kingdom. The cathedral seems not so beautiful as ancient and stands like a castle on the top of a rocky hill out of town, I thought it not worth time to go up to see it, being satisfied with the outward appearance. All manner of refreshment was hard to be had here but necessity overcame all difficulties. Hence we travelled five miles to a gentleman's house upon the road, where was plenty of all provisions. Some few of our stray officers, being got in before, endeavoured to make good the house against us, the confusion of the time which ought the more to have endeared us to each other, being fellow sufferers in the same cause, making some men rather inhuman and barbarous to those they should relieve and support. Insomuch that one who was within the house would not admit his own brother who came with me to the gate, and where such near ties of blood could not prevail, it is not to be thought our being fellow officers in the same regiment could have any influence. Fair means being of no effect, necessity obliged us to use violence, and with much difficulty we forced our way into the house, where was such plenty as might have contented an entire regiment, much more about a dozen that we were in all, and yet those few first possessors thought all too little for themselves.
Sunday the 6th: we travelled four miles to Cullen a small town, where we heard mass the church being then in the possession of the Catholics. Hence is seven miles to Cahirconlish, a small village, where was assembled a great number of the country people armed with roperies to receive the Duke
of Tyrconnel, thence a mile to Carrig, and from this four miles to Limerick. In the suburbs we met some of our fellow officers who acquainted us there was no accommodation in the town for man or horse, whereupon we turned back and took quarters at a good farm-house a mile from the town, where we found good entertainment and, what was very pleasing, civil reception, in this place as many others, which was a dainty, the best drink was milk and water. The reason no room could be had in town was that most of the best was taken up by the principal officers, and they that came first had taken possession of whatever small places the great ones had rejected. We continued here Monday and Tuesday suffering hourly and furious assaults on our quarters from all who passed that way, which with much difficulty we made good. Some, but few, of our regiment came up during this time; but vast numbers of all sorts of people flocked to town. Hitherto all things remained in confusion no resolutions being taken and consequently all left to their liberty without any command, till at length.
Wednesday the 9th: orders were given to all officers to endeavour to gather the remains of their regiments, and to ours in particular to march four miles to the westward of Limerick All the Jacobites, after the battle of the Boyne, seemed by a sort of instinct to move to Limerick, where they determined to hold out. Macariae Excidium, 55–6, 360–1. to a village called Carrigogunnell and the adjacent places, there to quarter till the rest of our dispersion came up and we received fresh orders. The most remarkable thing in this march was that the number of officers exceeded that of the private men, and yet not one-half of the former were present. These quarters proved very refreshing after our long fatigue, the people being generally very kind, as some thought partly for love, but in my opinion most through fear. For most certain it is few are fond of such guests as soldiers are upon free quarter, especially such as ours were ravenous and unruly, but it is the wisest course to make a virtue of necessity, and offer that freely which otherwise would be extorted forcibly. We had here plenty of meat and barley
bread baked in cakes over or before the fire and abundance of milk and butter, but no sort of drink. Yet there this is counted the best of quarters, the people generally being the greatest lovers of milk I ever saw, which they eat and drink above twenty several sorts of ways, and what is strangest for the most part love it best when sourest. They keep it in sour vessels and from time to time till it grows thick, and sometimes to that perfection it will perfume a whole house, but generally speaking they order it so that it is impossible to boil it without curdling four hours after it comes from the cow. Oaten and barley bread is the common fare, and that in cakes, and ground by hand. None but the best sort or the inhabitants of great towns eat wheat, or bread baked in an oven, or ground in a mill. The meaner people content themselves with little bread but instead thereof eat potatoes, which with sour milk is the chief part of their diet, their drink for the most part water, sometimes coloured with milk; beer or ale they seldom taste unless they sell something considerable in a market town. They all smoke, women as well as men, and a pipe an inch long serves the whole family several years and though never so black or foul is never suffered to be burnt. Seven or eight will gather to the smoking of a pipe and each taking two or three whiffs gives it to his neighbour, commonly holding his mouth full of smoke till the pipe comes about to him again. They are also much given to taking of snuff. Very little clothing serves them, and as for shoes and stockings much less. They wear brogues being quite plain without so much as one lift of a heel, and are all sowed with thongs, and the leather not curried, so that in wearing it grows hard as a board, and therefore many always keep them wet, but the wiser that can afford it grease them often and that makes them supple. In the better sort of cabins there is commonly one flock bed, seldom more, feathers being too costly; this serves the man and his wife, the rest all lie on straw, some with one sheet and blanket, others only their clothes and blanket to cover them. The cabins have seldom any floor but the earth, or rarely so much as a loft, some have windows, others none. They say it is of late years that chimneys are used, yet the house is
never free from smoke. That they have no locks to their doors is not because there are not thieves but because there is nothing to steal. Poverty with neatness seems somewhat the more tolerable, but here nastiness is in perfection, if perfection can be in vice, and the great cause of it, laziness, is most predominant. It is a great happiness that the country produces no venomous creature, but it were much happier in my opinion did it produce no vermin. Whether nastiness or the air be the cause of it I know not, but all the kingdom, especially the north, is infected with the perpetual plague of the itch. In fine unless it be the Scotch no people have more encouragement to be soldiers than these, for they live not at home so well at best as they do at worst in the army both for diet and clothes, and yet none will sooner murmur and complain of hardship than they. It is not through prejudice I give this account, but of love to truth, for few strangers love them better or pity them more than I do. And therefore to do them justice, I cannot but say it is not to be admired they should be poor having been so long under the heavy yoke of the Oliverian English party, whose study it was always to oppress and if possible to extirpate them. Poverty is a source from whence all other worldly miseries proceed, it makes them ignorant not having wherewithal to apply themselves to studies, it enervates the spirits and makes them dull and slothful and so from race to race they grow more and more degenerate, wanting the improvements of a free and ingenuous education, and being still brought up in a sort of slavery and bondage. This may be easily evinced by such of their gentry who having been abroad become very accomplished men either in learning warlike affairs or the more soft and winning arts of the court. Though the Scotch abroad be not inferior to them, yet at home they are as poor, as ignorant, more brutish and more nasty without any excuse for it, having never been oppressed or kept under as the others by a foreign yoke. This I have found by long and dear-bought experience and thought it not unworthy observation in these few days of respite from labour, having nothing else to divert my melancholy thoughts during this small breathing after so
great a series of misfortunes. Our scattered forces daily gathered to Limerick being thence directed each regiment to their respective quarters.On arrival at Limerick fierce dissensions broke out. These animosities indeed amongst themselves,
observes James, were come to so great a pitch, that now when the enemy gave them some respite, their whole attention was to make war upon one another
(Clarke, ii. 421). Sarsfield, actuated by strong national pride, was resolute in advising the sternest resistance. The Light to the Blind says (p. 623): What these caballing gentlemen can say for continuing the war against the sentiment of the Duke (i.e. Tyrconnel), is reduced to three points: that they have a sufficiency of men; that they have courage enough; and that they will have out of France a consummate general to govern their army; and therefore they will likely have a happy end. The truth of the three premised points I cannot deny
(ibid. 626). On the other hand, after the battle of the Boyne, Tyrconnel considered that all was over. He observed that the great army at first raised was disbanded to almost the moiety; he considered the ill success of the remaining army at Derry; their miscarriage at the Boyne; by which the province of Leinster and the best part of Munster was lost: that the king returned to France: that the French brigade was going away: that the brass money was brought to no value: that there was no stores of provisions: that the province of Connaught was not able to maintain the army and the vast multitudes of people entered thither from Munster, Leinster, and Ulster: that Limerick was a very weak town, yet was their chief defence against the enemy: that, if the Prince of Orange should be beaten in a pitched battle, England with the assistance of Holland, would send another army, and another after that, rather than be at the mercy of the king, if he should be restored by the Irish: that the most Christian Monarch was not in a state to send them competent aids, by reason that he had so many enemies, as kept all his armies at work: that, while the Catholic army was entire, it was the proper time to get advantageous conditions from the Prince of Orange, who would readily grant them, for to secure his crown; that in fine it was not prudence in the abovesaid circumstances, by a strained undertaking to run the risk of destroying the lives of the people, the expectations of their estates, and the hopes of enjoying their religion
(Light to the Blind, p. 622. La Hoguette to Louvois, July 31/August 10, 1690; Lauzun to Louvois, Galway, August 24/September 3, Ministère de la Guerre; Macariae Excidium, p. 370.
Saturday the 12th: in pursuance of the orders received the night before, we rendezvoused at the head-quarters to the number of about 150 men, some with arms fixed, others unfixed, and others without any arms. Thus we marched to Limerick, and halted there a considerable time without the town, to receive bread, where about fifty more joined us. Hence we marched three miles to the eastward of the city and encamped in a plain on the left of the Royal Regiment of Foot Guards, which here made two small battalions not equal to
one good one, having before made three complete and large ones.
Sunday the 13th was spent in building huts, it being too late the night before and all our tents lost the unfortunate day at the Boyne, as was most of the baggage of the army. The tents were most thrown about the fields or left in heaps with the soldiers' snapsacks before the rout. The officers' baggage was all sent away with a guard towards Dublin before we marched, but upon the defeat much plundered by those who were appointed to preserve it, and most of what they left ransacked by our own dragoons, and even by some of our officers who being well mounted were swiftest to overtake it. As afterwards appeared by many who were discovered and convicted of the fact, and, among others for an instance, our captain-lieutenant was found wearing the clothes and linen of a considerable officer of horse and refusing upon demand to make restitution, tried for the same by a court-martial, where he could give no account how he came by them, and was accordingly found guilty of the fact, commanded to restore all that was challenged, and by favour of the times only imprisoned during some few days. By this disorder of our own men though the enemy got but little, very many of us were left almost naked, not having so much as a shirt to change. In which condition being a stranger and without friends I continued many days, for money was as scarce as clothes and what we had only brass, which was then of very little or no value, till I met an Englishman who had but three shirts yet taking compassion of me gave me one, which was the first relief I had after losing all. One comfort was I did not want companions in misery, though few reduced to so great extremity as myself, the Irish being in their own country, and though perhaps many far from home yet few but had some friend to assist them; and most of the English officers
were then withdrawn from the regiment.
Monday the 14th: we were reviewed by Brigadier Wauchope, and our regiment found to consist of 150 men with arms fixed, 50 unfixed, and almost 100 without arms. A dismal and most shameful sight, the king a fortnight before giving
pay and bread to 800 men in this regiment all well armed and clothed, and now reduced to this without firing one shot at or scarce seeing the enemy. The calamity was general and no one regiment could upbraid another, their circumstances were so much alike. It was proposed and threatened to shoot some of the unarmed men for an example to terrify others from throwing away their arms, but the numbers being so very great it was only declared to them how well they had deserved to die. A strict charge was given to the officers to see the fixed arms well kept, to fix such as were broken, and use all possible endeavours to find more, and keep the men under discipline.
Tuesday the 15th: nothing remarkable happened, but many of our men came up and joined their regiments.
Wednesday the 16th: in the morning we decamped, and the regiments being so very weak as I said before they were joined by two and two, to us was joined the Lord Slane's.Lord Slane's Regiment had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, major, twelve captains, thirteen lieutenants, thirteen ensigns, and a chaplain. There were thirteen companies and 594 men (Brit. Mus. list). Avaux gives 300 men.
Lord Slane sat in the Parliament of 1689, fought at the battle of the Boyne, and was captured at Aughrim. The whole day was spent in marching to Limerick, though it was not full four miles. In the city were left all the French, the Royal Regiment of Foot Guards, the Grand Prior's, Major General BoisseleauWhen James landed he appointed Major-General Boisseleau commander in Cork in place of Lord Mountcashel. The names of the officers in the regiment he raised prove that the majority came from the neighbourhood of the southern city. When the king, in November 1689, broke up his camp at Ardee, he left six battalions of foot and fifty horse there, under Boisseleau (Clarke, vol. ii, 383). He attacked Newry, but was repulsed. He was present at the battle of the Boyne, and at the first siege of Limerick he played no inconsiderable part. His engineering skill proved invaluable to the Jacobites. As governor of the town his garrison consisted of fourteen regiments of infantry, with three of horse and two of dragoons. Berwick, Boisseleau, and Sarsfield did not agree with the policy of Tyrconnel in surrendering the city. From the 9th to the 31st of August, Boisseleau offered a stout resistance, especially on the 27th, when no less than 2,148 of his best troops were killed or wounded. According to him the men of the Grand Prior's Regiment on this occasion behaved with the utmost gallantry. On his return to France Louis gave him an audience, raised him to the rank of brigadier, and bestowed upon him a pension of 500 crowns. and Sir John FitzGerald's, the rest
marched through and encamped. This day was to have been put in execution a design before projected and contrived by some of our most active officers, but that accidentally discovered to and prevented by his grace the Duke of Tyrconnel, which was thus. A council being held by the Duke and other leading men to consult what was to be done in this desperate state of our affairs, his grace was of opinion all was lost, and therefore thought convenient to make the best conditions with the enemy and surrender before it was too late. This advice was so far from being approved that it moved much indignation in some of the hearers, and that with just cause, and it was unanimously resolved to suffer the utmost extremities rather than submit to the usurper, and to hold out what was left to the last. Hereupon the duke thinking it impossible to keep the field, and, running from one dangerous extreme to another no less prejudicial, declared himself for hamstringing all the horses, and bringing the men with what provisions could be gathered into the garrisons, a proposal no less dangerous in the consequences if followed than cruel in the execution. These opinions caused great heats and animosities, all men in general exclaiming against them, and those in particular who were of a contrary faction to the duke laying hold of this opportunity to make him odious to the army, and if possible to remove him from the government, as was afterwards attempted by sending commissioners into France to that effect. The duke being thus lessened in the public esteem, though he retained the character, and all orders run in his name as Lord Lieutenant, yet was there not the due subordination to him, and many private cabals were held not only without his knowledge, but to oppose his authority, and among the rest this whereof I now speak. It consisted of many field officers of the contrary faction to the duke, among others the Luttrells, the O'Neills,Colonel Sir Neill O'Neill's Regiment of Dragoons had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, major, eleven captains, nine lieutenants, nine cornets, ten quarter-masters, adjutant, chaplain, and surgeon. Four O'Neills were officers in this regiment. There were eleven companies and 539 men (Brit. Mus. list). Avaux does not mention this regiment in the list of dragoons on p. 452.
Sir Neill O'Neill (1658–90) was the eldest son of Sir Henry O'Neill of Killellagh in Kilultagh, who had been created a baronet in 1666. James, on May 10, 1689, sent him north and his regiment distinguished itself in Down and Antrim (E. 2, 19, T. C. D.). Sir Neill was present at the siege of Derry. He went to Sligo to check the movements of Schomberg's detachments, and at the Boyne he disputed the passage of the river at Rosnaree, where he was mortally wounded. The other O'Neills, Cormuck, Gordon, and Felix, have been sketched. and, though inferior in post,
Connel, then lieutenant-colonel to the Lord Slane, had a principal part as being a young active man and well beloved among the foot. They, finding that the French intended to leave us and embark themselves and their cannon for France, and considering that thereby we were not only weakened in men, whereof they feared not so much the want, but in so many good arms at that time so scarce among us.Clarke Correspondence, August 14, 1690, vol. i. f. 93: The French leave Limerick and betake themselves to Galway; a very great help to the speedy ending of the war in Ireland.
The French being then quartered in the city and the Irish forces encamped, as was said before, they agreed on this day to send orders to the camp, as from the Duke of Tyrconnel, though unknown to him, for the forces to march to Limerick, in appearance as if to march through and encamp on the other side, but the officers privy to the design being ready, they should suffer all to march in till such time they had filled all the streets, and the French not suspecting any design on them, but being dispersed and unarmed they were on a sudden upon a sign given to seize the gates of the city, and then by beat of drum to command the French to march out leaving their arms behind them, and not suffer them anywhere to come to a head with arms, but thus naked to ship them with all convenient speed for France, and distribute their arms among our men that wanted. This project was carried on with such secrecy and so well laid it had certainly taken effect had not one of the managers ignorantly, as thinking him a party, opened it to the then colonel, after major-general, Mark Talbot, who having got an inkling soon dived to the bottom of the contrivance, and immediately made it known to the Duke of Tyrconnel, who found no difficulty to break all their measures, though he caused the army to march as they had designed, but he parted the managers, and they finding themselves discovered had
no opportunity to execute their design. The duke showed much prudence in this action, for though he prevented the execution, he would not seem to know anything of the design, and it was so hushed that it never came to the knowledge of many, which was a great happiness, for had the French been sensible of any such attempt it might have proved fatal both to them and us. It was no less our good fortune, in my opinion, that it did not succeed, for although the cabal had designed to send commissioners into France to estimate and excuse the fact by urging the absolute necessity there was of keeping those arms, yet I doubt they would have found no favourable reception, nor indeed could the action be well justified, but would doubtless have incensed the court of France against us, and we had been left to perish for want of those small supplies wherewith we afterwards held out so long, and at last purchased so good conditions. Though all seemed hushed and quiet yet there was some confusion among the heads, which occasioned that we had no quarters assigned us this night, but, after standing till dark night at arms, were dismissed to shift for ourselves till next morning.
Thursday the 17th: quarters were assigned us, in some houses one, in some two companies. Limerick, being the principal city at this time and long after that held out for the king, and consequently there being often occasion and that on account of many memorable occurrences to speak of it, having been long quartered in it during that season, I will endeavour to give a true and exact description of it, but as brief as the small compass of this journal requires. Limerick is seated in a plain on the banks of the river Shannon, a branch whereof runs through and divides it into two, the one called the English, the other the Irish town, and encompasseth the former together with a considerable spot of ground without the walls called the King's Island, and so falls again into the main body of the river as appears in the map,His map has been lost: mine owes not a little to the kindness of Dr. G. Fogerty, R.N., and Mr. Morony, B.E. to which recourse may be had in relation to all that shall occur hereafter,
all remarkable places being marked with letters or figures and those explained on the map. The English town, by some as being the principal distinguished by the name of the city, is seated within the island made by the Shannon. It is encompassed by a stone wall in most places four, in some but three, foot thick. The houses are most of stone strong built and generally high, the whole consists but of one large street, the rest being all narrow lanes. Within the walls are two churches and two chapels. Our Lady's Church, which is the cathedral, is large and has a high tower, and was in the hands of the Catholics all the time of our residence there, and the body of it towards the latter end made a magazine of meal. St. Munchin's, over against the bishop's house, small and inconsiderable, before our time decayed, first made by us a place for gunsmiths to work in, after a magazine of warlike stores. The Dominicans had built a new chapel in the place called St. Dominic's Abbey in the upper part of the city, the Augustines had another on the river near Ball's Bridge. On the east side without the walls down to the water was a large suburb, and in it St. Francis's Abbey at that time possessed by the Franciscans, the most part ruined, but the body of the church which was very large then in use, the other ruined parts being cut off. On the west side is the quay, though narrow in compass yet considerable for that upon high tide vessels of two hundred tons come up to it. Without the island gate stood a house of entertainment with a bowling-green and pleasant gardens. At our coming there were only the ruins of a small fort in the island, the rest being partly a common walk for the citizens and let out for grazing, this land being of the perquisites belonging to the constable of the King's Castle. Over the Shannon is a very large stone bridge called Thomond Bridge, at the end whereof was another considerable suburb and a hill that overlooks all the city and renders it not tenable if that be possessed by an enemy. Within the city adjacent to the bridge is the King's Castle, the walls thereof like to those of the city, but strengthened with square towers or bulwarks whereon were several good pieces of cannon. This castle, the bridge, and walls of
the city were the work of King John. Over that branch of the Shannon which compasses the island is Ball's Bridge, of stone but small, the river being narrowest there; this joins the two towns and leads into the principal street of the Irish, the rest as in the other being all but narrow lanes. From the bridge this street runs to St. John's gate, the principal entrance of the town, joining to which is the citadel; to the cityward it is square of small compass and has two small platforms, without it makes a half-moon; the whole work of stone but weak, and was then furnished with only a few small pieces of artillery. On the other hand not far from the gate is St. John's Church, the parish, wherein nothing worthy of note. Between this and Mungret Gate was the Capuchin's chapel, so new it never was completely finished. The whole length of the east side under the wall was all tanyards, besides many more in the island, the tanning trade being here very considerable. In the angle made by the great street and Mungret Lane stands Thom Core Castle, reported to be built by the Danes, but in reality is nothing but a high stone house, in nothing that I could perceive differing from many others of the town. The walls of this town are everywhere four foot thick strengthened with several towers; there are four gates Mungret, East and West Water, and St. John's. Without this was a very large suburb the main street whereof reached to Cromwell's fort, which is near a quarter of a mile southward, and the road to Kilkenny. It runs also a considerable way to the eastward and on the other side westward, till it joined that of Mungret Gate and came almost down to the body of the Shannon, so that it compassed almost the whole town. In digging this latter part for the fortifications were found vast numbers of skulls and other bones of men, but I could not meet any could give an account how they came there. Though the buildings of the suburbs were not for the most part equal to those within the walls, yet there were many very fine houses and I believe the suburbs on all sides were larger and contained more inhabitants than both the towns within the walls. Yet all these at our first coming, except that small part about St. Francis's Abbey in the island, were laid level with the ground
for the better defence of the place and all the gardens and orchards utterly destroyed.Clarke Correspondence, vol. i, f. 78–80. Solmes's letter on f. 80 is valuable; cf. f. 81; Ranelagh to Clarke, August 7, 1690; Marlborough to Clarke, August 12; Relation de la levée du siège de Limerick (in the Jacobite Narrative, 260–7, Macariae Excidium, 368–9; Klopp, v. 169; Louvois to Lauzun, Versailles, July 20/30, Ministère de la Guerre; Avaux to Louvois, October 21/11; Lauzun to Louvois, August 1/10 and August 16/26, Ministère de la Guerre. Nor did the ruin stop at the suburbs, for upon the approach of the enemy our dragoons burnt all round, far and near, and at several times the country before very well peopled and improved was almost turned to a desert, the fury of war destroying in one year the improvements of many years' peace, but hereof I shall speak more in the proper place. I shall only add that when first I saw this city, about four years before, it was inferior to none in Ireland but Dublin and not to very many in England and have lived to see it reduced to a heap of rubbish, the greatest and best part utterly demolished and scarce a house left that sustained not some damage. Such are the effects of war and such the fruits of rebellion. To return to the course of our proceedings, the French were employed in demolishing the suburbs, which they performed with such wonderful dexterity, it was almost incredible so much could have been razed in so short a time, but their talent lay in destroying. There being no outworks to the town but only the bare wall, it was resolved to cast up such as the shortness of the time would permit, the main part whereof was only a covered way round the walls with three or four little works within like bastions but very small and inconsiderable, with slight lines of communication between them. Before Mungret Gate to take in a rising ground that might annoy the town was cast up a large but slight hornwork. On the east side at a little distance from each other, almost, opposite to the south-east angle, two small redoubts, and another of only stones heaped one upon another opposite to St. John's Gate. In order hereunto this day the Lord Gormanstown's and Lord Bellew's Regiments, which were joined and amounted to near 1,200 men, mounted the work.
Friday the 18th: the Lord Grand Prior's to which were
joined the Lord Slane's and major-general Boisseleau's mounted the work, with a detachment of the Foot Guards. The French besides levelling the suburbs undertook to throw down the parapet of the citadel, which was of stone and not fit for service, and instead thereof raised a strong sod work capable of six or seven cannon and of force against the enemy's batteries. All the timber of the houses was ordered to be preserved and carried into town.
Saturday the 19th: Colonel Talbot with all the Grenadiers of the camp prepared the palisades. Gordon O'Neill and O'Donovan's Regiments Colonel O'Donovan's Regiment had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, major, five captains, and only one lieutenant recorded. The O'Donovan family papers enumerate eighteen other officers, but they are not classified according to rank. There were thirteen companies and 400 men (Avaux).
Daniel O'Donovan was the eldest son of Donell O'Donovan, and in 1638 he was inaugurated chief of Clancahill. He was Portreeve in King James's new charter to Baltimore, and represented it in Parliament in 1689. On March 6, 1688, he received for the use of his regiment sundry guns, swords, pistols, muskets, and one small fusee musket. On March 16, he received a further order for 413 muskets and 650 swords, and on July 9 one of his captains, James Goolde, received 42 muskets, 60 belts, and 35 swords; and on the 14th 55 muskets, 75 swords, and 76 belts. On July 25, 1689, Melfort ordered him to keep all the supernumerary companies of his regiment over and above thirteen till further orders for the disposing thereof, and to send an account of their number with a view to providing for their subsistence. On August 1, James Gallwey, the agent for clothing the regiment, states his charges as follows:—
Clothing |
Price in s. d. |
For frieze coating, lining, and dying for each man |
10 0 |
For making the coat and britches |
1 2 |
Hat and hat-band |
2 0 |
Pair of shoes and buckle |
3 9 |
Shirt and making |
2 6 |
Cravat |
1 0 |
Swash |
1 0 |
Pair of Stockens |
0 7 |
Wascoate |
2 0 |
total |
£ 1 4 0 |
In a petition to the king after Melfort's order, O'Donovan set forth that he by commission, raised about Christmas last a regiment of foot, and ever since kept them, without any subsistence or relief (from Government), and notwithstanding your Majesty's orders and patent at Cork for quarters, arms, and subsistence, your petitioner could not at all to this day procure any, whereby he was exposed to the censure of those he engaged in his regiment, and they discouraged, being informed the regiment was disbanded, which could not be otherwise imagined, by the usage your petitioner had from time to time.
The relief at last came, for a memorandum of October 28 acknowledged the receipt of £500, and states allowances:—
Recipient |
Sum in £ s. d. |
To Captain Regan's soldiers, sergeant and six men, that guarded the money from Dublin |
1 10 6 |
To Lieutenant Falvey and Ensign Gregson, that came for the money |
7 16 0 |
For the barrel to put the money in |
0 1 6 |
For a bag and to a porter |
0 5 6, &c. |
were at the work with all their
officers. The brigadiers of each brigade were appointed to view all the officer's horses, such as were fit for service to be priced and taken for the king's use, the officers of such regiments as were to continue in town commanded to dispose of the rest.
Sunday the 20th: Gormanstown's and Bellow's Regiments
at the work.
Monday the 21st: the days being long and very hot it was found the men could not hold out with vigour from sunrise to sunset, it was therefore thought expedient to keep them close whilst at it and have them relieved; accordingly Hamilton's Regiment, mounted first, were relieved by Kilmallock's and they again by Burke's The scanty muster of Colonel Walter Burke's Regiment includes merely two captains and three lieutenants. This regiment had no swords and no powder or ball.
Colonel Walter Burke belonged to the Turlough branch of his distinguished family. To his regiment was entrusted the custody of the old Castle of Aughrim on the day of the decisive battle there, but it was taken. After the treaty of Limerick he went to France and Louis appointed him colonel of the regiment of Athlone.
Tuesday the 22nd: The Grand Prior's, Bellew's, and Gormanstown's Regiments, commanded by the Lord Slane, marched about five miles into the county of Clare towards Brian's Bridge to a wood near the river to bring palisades, which were there ready cut. Gordon O'Neill was at the work in the town.
Wednesday the 23rd: Athlone having been some days besieged and by Colonel Grace the governor well defended, it was thought fit to send him some relief, the enemy being only on the Leinster side of the river and Connaught side open. Here upon this day one battalion of the guards, the Grand Prior, Slane and Boisseleau's detachments making another battalion, Gormanstown and Bellew a third, Hamilton and Sir Maurice EustaceSir Maurice Eustace was a Privy Councillor and held command of an infantry regiment. On May 10, 1689, James sent ten of his companies to Hamilton then besieging Derry King James's Letters, E. 2. 19, T. C. D.) In the Parliament of 1689 he sat as member for Blessington. With his cousin, Morgan Kavanagh, he reached Rochefort on July 20, 1691, with a view to service with Louis.
Sir Maurice Eustace's Regiment had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, major, fifteen captains, fifteen lieutenants, seventeen ensigns, and surgeon. There were 783 men (Brit. Mus. list). Avaux gives 454 men. a fourth, and the French detachments,
two other small battalions, marched out of Limerick and lay this night at Killaloe, the men without tents or quarters in the gardens. The officers were quartered in the town, the great ones taking up the best houses which are not many, the inferior were crowded into very poor cabins that only served barely to cover them from the weather. These eight miles from Limerick is part of the county of Clare and is all very bare, there being in this way scarce any corn or meadow, but only a hilly common in some places boggy, everywhere covered with fern and rushes, which is all it produces. The road is hard and pleasant for the most part open and often crossed by small brooks and springs, near a mile at first is a large causeway over a bog, not unlike to the old Roman ways being raised high because of the floods. A little above the midway is the wood whence we had the palisades, it is not large nor produces any large timber. Killaloe is a bishopric, but as to the town the meanest I ever saw dignified with that character, except St. David and St. Asaph in Wales, having but very few houses that are anything tolerable, the rest and even those in no very great number are thatched cabins or cottages, in fine it has nothing beyond many villages in England, nor is it equal to some, except the church be reckoned which indeed is large, and so all is said of it, having nothing else beautiful or commendable. The bishop's house like the rest has nothing worthy observation. The Shannon runs by the town, and in this place is so rocky it is not navigable, so that all goods must be carried from Limerick till above the town by land, and being embarked there the river is again navigable for many miles. The most remarkable thing here was that the protestant bishop of the place continued then and long after in his diocese under his Majesty's government.John Roane was Bishop of Killaloe from 1675 to 1693.
Thursday the 24th: we marched first along the side of the
mountain near the Shannon, which about this place makes a very large lough or lake. This way is very close and woody but lasts not long, as soon as out of it the rest is across the barren hills till we came to a small village called Tomgraney, which is five Connaught miles from Killaloe, and the miles here are of an excessive length. We halted a little farther at another village called Scarriff, neither of these places worth the naming but for some iron mills that were there before the war. Close by these two places is a large stone bridge which joins, or rather the river that runs under it parts, the counties of Clare and Galway, the same being also the bounds of the provinces of Munster and Connaught. At Scarriff begins one of the most desert wild barbarous mountains that ever I beheld and runs eight miles outright, there being nothing to be seen upon it but rocks and bogs, no corn, meadow, house or living creature, not so much as a bird. Nothing grows there but a wild sedge, fern, and heath. In wet winters this way is absolutely impassable, in dry summers it is a soft way, but at best in many places very boggy, so that at no time cannon or heavy carriages can pass that way.These tracks resembled that road of historic fame in Virginia on which the Federal officer, reconnoitring it, observed that the road was there, but he guessed the bottom had fallen out
. This day we marched about four miles of the mountain, a violent rain falling most part of the time, which made the way extreme toilsome afoot the long sedge twisting about the feet, and the bog sucking them up, as that which immediately draws in the water being naturally soft and yielding. For our comfort at night we had a bare bog to lie on without tents or huts or so much as the shelter of a tree, hedge, or bank. The rain held most part of the night, and scarce any firing to be had the place being furnished but with a few and those small scattered trees, and we tired and without any tools to cut wood. Meat was as scarce as other necessaries, but that we might not be destitute of all, Providence had furnished a small brook which, though foul and ill tasted by reason of the rain and bog, afforded us plenty of drink.
Friday the 25th: with the day began our march over the
remaining part of this barbarous mountain, just at the end whereof is a wood very thick, the trees coarse and misshapen and as the others affords no large timber. It was a great satisfaction to us from the tops of the mountains to discover at a distance ploughed land, pasture and some few scattered cottages. At length having passed what was left of the solitude we came to a small place the English call Woodford and the Irish Graig, where it being St. James's Day we halted and heard mass.Lloyds' Post-sheanchas calls Woodford hamlet (graig) of the iron mill-shafts.
Then marched four miles farther through a more tolerable country, but not over fertile or well improved to a poor village called Duniry, where we were drawn up in the fields early enough to have hutted had there been necessaries for building.Cf. Duanaire Finn, 105. St. Brendan is mentioned a few lines later in the poem. At Duniry the Leabhar Breac was written by the MacEgans who had a school there. Cf. O'Donovan, Hy Many, 169, and Introduction to facsimile of the Leabhar Breac: it is the greatest hagiological collection in the Irish language. Wood there was but scarce anything wherewith to cut it, yet for form the soldiers were obliged to break boughs the best they could and make the shape of huts, which there being no straw or other thing to cover them with, was merely for show and not conveniency, so that in fine we lay without any other covering than the canopy of heaven. I know not whether a true devotion wherewith soldiers are seldom overstocked or whether it were not rather superstition to which they are subject enough, that prevailed with our men to spare a few trees, that stood in the front of our battalion. The country people, whether as a received tradition or to the intent to save them, telling some story of a saint who had lived there and after his death visibly punished some one who had presumed to destroy the trees. The story I understood not well, nor ever before or since heard of the saint, but many such are usually related there.
Saturday the 26th: the news of raising the siege of Athlone being come to the Duke of Berwick who commanded in chief, though the news was not made known, yet why kept secret is a mystery, the Irish forces continued here, but the French detachments marched back to Limerick to our great satisfaction,
for of late these who were sent to assist us were grown if possible a worse enemy than those we were in arms against, which was occasioned by our misfortune at the Boyne in this manner. Since that most unhappy day (when as the Scripture has it, we fled nobody pursuing of usProv. xxviii. i. the army like sheep without a shepherd having dispersed themselves all over the country lived upon the spoil of the people they ought to have defended from their enemies. When we began again to make head at Limerick, both in camp and in the town the soldiers were forbidden upon pain of death to plunder, to quit their colours marching, and several severe punishments threatened to all manner of offences, but nothing at all put in execution. The soldiers, who (like a wild horse that has once got his head is not easily to be checked or stopped) had tasted the sweet of living at discretion on the public, and were grown proud of being under no command, were not easily to be curbed without some very severe examples, which were so far from being made that the men began to believe their officers durst not punish them. Nay some stuck not to say they were disbanded and consequently under no command, which notion they had taken from some timorous officers, who at or near Dublin ordered their men to shift for themselves, notwithstanding the colours of most were marched flying to encourage the men to repair to them, and only Sir Michael Creagh's RegimentSir Michael Creagh owned much house property in Dublin, and was Lord Mayor of that city in 1688 and its representative in Parliament in 1689. His regiment served at Derry, at Dundalk against Schomberg, at the Boyne, and continued in the service until the last year of the war. Sir Michael and William Creagh of Ennis were attainted in 1691. For one good musket in his regiment there were ten bad, and the swords were wretched and of unequal length. was formally disbanded by their major in Dublin, the colonel being too swift to stay for that ceremony, and by what authority the major dismissed them is hard to find, but fear is unaccountable. In fine the dread and consternation of some officers had debauched the whole army and the time hardly allowed a speedy redress to these abuses. But to come to the cause of this reflection, the French improving this opportunity were run to that height of insolence that they
were more terrible to the country and offensive to the army than our very enemies. They generally contemned the Irish, esteeming them all as cowards for the disgrace at the Boyne, and were much the more confirmed in their opinion, because all their insolences passed unpunished, the government winking at their crimes, and each particular person, I know not through what infatuation, putting up peaceably with whatever indignities they were pleased to heap on them. From ill language they came to worse actions, often beating even the soldiers and forcing from them and from their officers whatever they liked, and very rare that they met with any check, but still if any opposition were made they carried all before them, not because they really were superior in any respect, but because the others had, as I believe, conceived some such opinion of them, like horses that are ridden because they know not how much they are stronger than their rider. A passage I saw under the walls of Limerick may serve for an instance how much they stood in awe of the French. When the first works were carrying on about the town, there lay heaps of timber and boards of the ruined houses. Three soldiers coming to one of the heaps would have carried away some piece for firing, but a Frenchman, a person of no command as being only an officer's servant, not only hindered but gave them very ill language first, and then fell upon and beat them severely, which caused a great disturbance among the other soldiers who were at the work. Whereupon the officer of the guard at St. John's Gate, which was just by, sent a sergeant with a file of musketeers to secure the Frenchman, who seeing them come for him was so far from submitting that he drew and drove them all back to their guard. And yet the fellow was not so desperate but that an officer coming up to him with his sword drawn, he submitted and went peaceably to the guard, but his countrymen were not sparing of their reflections upon an insignificant fellow's driving with only his sword a halberd and so many muskets. Wherever they marched they plundered the country without any distinction of friend or enemy, and their own officers were so far from curbing that it is rather to be believed they were sharers with them, and
consequently not only connived at but encouraged these disorders. Their colonels and general officers having all quitted them at the Boyne except Zurlauben,Zurlauben had fought under Turenne, and his regiment formed part of the Swiss contingent, the élite of the French army. In his report of the battle of the Boyne he draws attention to the abandonment of the army by Lauzun, Hoguette, Faméchon, Chamerade, and Mérode, and points out that these colonels put the regimental colours in their pockets. According to him his regiment, seconded by the Irish cavalry, covered the retreat from Duleek. Louis gave him an audience at Versailles and he was the only officer who received from the king in person his thanks. The Irish lords offered him their best soldiers to fill the ranks of his depleted regiment. He fought at the battle of Blenheim. who brought them off with honour and failed not to give some of their characters to the French court, though favour there as well as in others covered their indelible stains. As for our officers they paid them not the least respect, and this very march some of them shot a lieutenant of the Grand Prior's Regiment only for challenging a saddle they had stolen, of which wounds he died two days after, and some of our men having taken the murderer, they forcibly rescued him so that this barbarous action passed unpunished as all the rest. True it is many were made officers, whose want of sense and honour and even of the mien of gentlemen, brought a contempt upon all, and the ignorance of their duty or licentiousness of the time caused many gross errors against martial discipline, so the abovesaid lieutenant was ranging the country when he ought to have been marching in his post and met a dishonourable and deserved death, though not from that hand, the extravagances of officers though generally an example and encouragement being no justification of the insolences and barbarities of the soldiers. These villanies caused all people to fly before us as we marched and all provisions were hidden from us wherever we came, so that we suffered much, and sometimes necessity obliged us to be cruel and force from the poor people what they hid from others. The brass money which our misfortunes had much lessened in the common esteem the French made so contemptible it was scarce of any value, for they being always paid in silver, had no regard for the brass, but would give half a crown of that coin for a silver three-halfpenny piece and
forty shillings for a silver crown. Whereupon all things were sold accordingly, as a pair of shoes for forty shillings, stockings that used to be sold for nine or tenpence were now worth five shillings, ale nine or twelvepence the quart, wine four shillings brass or sevenpence silver, brandy ten shillings brass or tenpence silver. In short all things were at this time according to this rate (for it grew worse and worse daily) and we who were paid in brass had a miserable sustenance. The people shut up their shops and followed no trade and the French soldiers engrossed the whole into their own hands at their own rate. But to return to our march:
Sunday the 27th: we marched to Loughrea six miles, all the country hitherto is wild, mountainous and in my judgement may be called barren, but some people are so blinded with affection they will not allow the worst of soils to be called barren, because it produces fern and wild sedge, which the miserable cattle having no better are forced to feed upon, and yet some will maintain that to be a rich soil, which all the art of man cannot improve so as to bear anything but oats and potatoes. At the town begins a valley which extends some miles in length and breadth. It is not very plain, but has several old ruins of castles and gentlemen's houses and there being many enclosures from the mountains it looks like an exceeding pleasant and fertile place, but coming to view all this near it is only ruins and a barren soil, wherein are some scattered cornfields, some coarse pasture and the rest nothing but fern and rushes. The town is like the country, promises well at a distance, but when near you find only the remains of a formerly indifferent place with some memory of walls, the gates yet standing. There is also little more than the ruins of a very considerable house belonging to the Earls of Clanricarde. Adjoining to the town is a great lough or lake out of which runs a small river, and from the lough I suppose the town takes its name. Here every company had a house assigned for quarters.
Monday the 28th: we continued here. Brigadier SarsfieldAvaux speaks in high terms of Patrick Sarsfield (d. 1693). Avaux to Louvois, October 21: J'ay demandé, Monsieur, au Roy d'Angleterre, un nommé Sarsfield pourun des colonels qui iront en France, et pour commander aussy ce corps là. Sarsfield n'est pas un homme de la naissance de Mylord Gallouay, ny de Makarty, mais c'est un gentilhomme distingué par son merite, qui a plus de credit dans ce royaume qu'aucun homme que je connoisse; il a de la valeur, mais surtout de l'honneur et la probité à toute épreuve, et c'est un homme sur qui le Roy pourroit compter, et qui ne quitteroit jamais son service. II a servi en France en qualité d'enseigne dans le regiment d'Hamilton, et depuis a esté lieutenant des gardes du corps du Roy en Angleterre, et est le seul qui ait combattu pour son service contre le Prince d'Orange; et lorsque Sa Maiesté Britannique fut arrivée en Irlande, j 'eus toutes les peines du monde à le faire faire brigadier, quoyque M. Tirconnel s'y employast fortement, sans que j'y parusse, le Roy disant que c'estoit un fort brave homme, mais qui n'avoit point de teste. Mylord Tirconnel ne laissa pas de l'envoyer dans la province de Connaught avec une poignée de gens. II a levé pres de deux mille hommes par son credit, et avec ces troupes là il a conservé toute la province de Connaught au Roy, qui en est si content, que quand je luy ay demandé Sarsfield, il me dit que je luy voulois oster tous ses officiers, et qu'il ne me le donneroit pas; que j 'estois deraisonnable, et fis trois tours de chambre fort en colere c'est un homme seroit toujours à la teste des troupes, et qui en auroit grande soin.
James's lack of judgement is shown by his estimate of Sarsfield: C'estoit un fort brave homme, mais qui n'avoit point de tête.
Berwick was equally at fault, for he said, Sarsfield imagined himself to be a great general.
At the request of Avaux, James made him a brigadier. He distinguished himself at the battles of Steinkirk and Landen, where he was mortally wounded. Luxemburg appreciated his worth. The Earl of Lucan was also with me (i.e. at Steinkirk),
he wrote, and his courage and intrepidity, of which he had given proof in Ireland, were very noteworthy. I can assure your Majesty he is a very good and capable officer.
Sarsfield's Regiment of Horse had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, major, seven captains, ten lieutenants, seven cornets, eight quarter-masters, adjutant, and a Maal [?Maréchal] des Logis réforme.
Two officers were French, René de Carné and René Mazandier. There were nine companies and 396 men (Brit. Mus. list). Avaux gives 250 men.
marched away with the horse under his command who had quartered in the neighbourhood. At our setting out of Limerick there marched also four pieces of cannon and a body of horse and dragoons, all which took the way of Loughrea for the conveniency of the road which is hard and fit for draught, whereas the way the foot took (as I said before) was unfit for heavy carriages, but being the shorter was judged best for the foot, both for their ease and that they might the sooner relieve Athlone, which was thought to be pressed and in danger and by their coming might be strengthened the better to expect farther relief. But upon the news of the enemies quitting the siege, the foot marched back the easiest though the longest way, and where they could have quarters to refresh them.
Tuesday the 29th proved an excessive hot day, yet we marched nine miles of that country (which are the longest I ever saw) without halting, then rested a while near Gort,Stevens calls Gort Gortenshegure: it is also called Gortenshegury and Gort-Inshi-Guare from Guaire, King of Connaught, who commenced his reign in the year 604 and held the sceptre thirty-eight years (Colgan, 248). a very small inconsiderable village upon a very rocky river, over which is a stone bridge, and adjoining to it a very large house. The road hither is along one end of the bottom I spoke of before, and partakes much of the hills and barrenness. After a short halt we marched three miles farther to a mill about a mile from the place called Toberreendony, famous for a clear spring dedicated to our blessed lady, as the name imports in Irish, and held in great veneration by all the neighbouring people.Toberreendony means the well of the King of Sunday. Part of this way is through lanes, the rest very stony and hilly. Upon the road advice was brought that the enemy ad approached to Limerick and it was feared they would attempt to pass the Shannon, which if they had compassed might have been the loss of us all, we being but a small number of foot and without horse or dragoons. Hereupon ammunition was distributed and both officer and soldier ordered upon pain of death not to stir from their post but to lie down upon their arms and take some rest till such time the general should beat, which was appointed within two hours, having halted about ten at night to march again at twelve. And though we had marched with only half an hour's rest from morning till this time at night and at a great rate yet could we the whole day make but twelve miles. I cannot but observe how little confidence was then to be reposed in our men, for notwithstanding the severe orders the fear of the enemy prevailed so much more over them than that of punishment, or any sense of honour, or their safety in standing by each other, that it appeared with the light at least one half of them were stolen away in the dark, those that were left being ready upon the first alarm to follow the example set them by their companions.
Wednesday the 30th: between twelve and one in the morning the general beat, and again ordered that no man
upon pain of death should stir from his post in marching. We marched through a very thick wood and extraordinary rough stony way long before the least light appeared, and the road being so uncouth was exceeding troublesome in the dark. We had many falls and that sometimes in the water, some stony brooks crossing the wood and nobody seeing where they set their feet. When day appeared we were out of the wood and in a better way. Soon after day we halted to gather our scattered men and march again with some lighted matches. Now it appeared very many of our men had left us and among them some who had the reputation of being very brave, many of which upon occasions of danger I have found to be the backwardest of all, and that they gained a name only by being mutinous troublesome fellows, always in private broils, yet durst not look upon the common enemy. Having marched seven miles this morning we made a considerable halt to refresh the men at Quin, a small village, where are some considerable remains of an ancient church and abbey, then possessed by the Franciscan friars. Whilst we halted some men of each regiment were sent with officers to look out for provisions in the neighbourhood to bring to the men, who were commanded to pay for what they had. There was no other neighbourhood to seek anything, but those they call the creaghts,Cf. Four Masters, iv. 1224, note; Annals of Ulster, iii. 63; Oxford English Dictionary, ii. 1148–9; Avaux to Louvois, December 6, 1689; Avaux to Louis, January 25, 1690; Avaux to Louvois, January 25; lettre d'un Religieux, sans signature, à M. d'Avaux, September 22, 1689. which are much like the Tartar hordes, being a number of people some more some less, men, women and children under a chief or head of the name or family, who range about the country with their flocks or herds and all the goods they have in the world, without any settled habitation, building huts wherever they find pasture for their cattle and removing as they find occasion. This is a custom much used in Ireland, especially in time of war as now, when thousands of all sorts fled from the dominion of the usurper and had no other manner of living but this. But the custom I believe is immemorial and was doubtless in use among them before the conquest by the English. They have small cars and garrons or little horses to carry their
necessaries and live most upon the milk of their cows. With what they can spare they buy bread and other necessaries, or in these times of confusion make no scruple of taking where they find it. Particularly in gathering cattle they are industrious, for many who came from their habitations in Ulster with only one or two cows by the time they came to the neighbourhood of Limerick were increased some to fifty, some a hundred, and some more head of black cattle. They examine not whose ground they encamp in, and when they march drive all the cattle that comes in their way, and in some places I have heard them complained of as more grievous and burdensome to the country than the army, which seemed to me improbable and almost impossible, but that the country people affirmed the robberies and insolences of the soldiers were much inferior to the extravagant barbarities of those people. In short if they came first they left nothing for the army, and where they came after they carried away whatever the army had left. And though the irreconcilable hatred between Ulster and Munster be cause enough for those people eternally to reproach and slander each other,It is worth noticing that North and South do not agree, e. g. North and South England, the Highland and Lowlands of Scotland, the northern and southern states of United States, North and South France, North and South Portugal, Prussia and Baden, North and South Italy. Cf. the editor's Revolutionary Ireland and its Settlement, 377–81. Shakespeare, with his usual insight, notes the difference between northern and southern peoples: from this standpoint Othello and Romeo can be contrasted with Hamlet. Sellings (Confederation and War, iii. 11) refers to that antient and everlasting difference between Leagh Cuin and Leagh Mow
(i.e. North and South Ireland). and that they are never wanting in that part, yet certain it is the creaghts were worse to the country than the professed enemy or their costly friends, the king's army, and even in this the two provinces strove to be upon equal terms, the one always railing and the other always giving fresh occasion to rail. But it must be observed there were creaghts of the other provinces as well as Ulster though not so numerous, yet whatever was done the Ulster had the name of it. The design was to have marched through this day to Limerick, which was twelve miles from this place, a great march though the county of Clare miles be not altogether so long as those of Connaught. But being informed
there was no danger of the enemy we only marched half-way to Sixmilebridge, which is an indifferent good town and takes its a name from its distance from Limerick and a small bridge over a little river that runs through it, and thence into the Shannon, yet we were quartered three or four companies in a house.
Thursday the 31st: we marched to Limerick which is six large miles, almost half the way over a high steep and stony mountain, the rest plain and most part lanes, cornfields and meadows on both sides, all enclosed as in England. There is another way to avoid the mountain but farther about: I shall speak of it when I come to travel it. From our setting out till our return to Limerick we suffered much for want of provisions and above all of bread, for no ammunition bread was given and scarce any could be bought, only very rarely some few cakes of oats or bere, a grain much like to though not the same but bigger and coarser than barley, whereof all their beer and ale is made, little or none of their land producing the true barley. The city being filled with the chief officers, both civil and military, the guards and French, we were quartered in the Irish town one or two companies in a house.
Friday the 1st of August: all the regiments were drawn out and reviewed in the King's Island in order, as was given out, to receive money and bread and have quarters regulated. After standing at arms till about two of the clock we were dismissed without any thing, only orders that an officer of a company should make a true return of their arms fixed and unfixed, and of the number of their men present.
Saturday the 2nd: most of our horse and dragoons, some on the one side of the river some on the other, marched towards Athlone. This day also the French forces departed for Galway to the great satisfaction not only of the inhabitants, but of all the garrison that remained in town. They remained some time at Galway till ships came to carry them into France, thinking it impossible Limerick should hold out a siege, offering to lay wagers it would be taken in three days.William expected that all would be ended in fourteen days. Cf. Hoffmann's report, Klopp, v. 169. Tyrconnel summoned a meeting of the general officers of the Irish army at Galway, and read to them a letter from James giving orders to such of the military officers as pleased to take advantage of the French fleet then riding in Galway Bay to join him in France, and permitting the men of inferior rank to submit to the Prince of Orange and to make for themselves the best terms in their power (Macariae Excidium, 54–5). Sarsfield, however, resolutely maintained that when the king wrote the letter he could not have been aware of the true state of affairs, and that it never would have been written had His Majesty known that there was a considerable army still in the field, able and willing to fight to the last man, and that the province of Counaught could easily hold out until relief would have time to arrive (Macariae Excidium, 67–8, 380–1). To this he added that, let others do as they might, he was determined not to turn his back on his country in this hour of danger. His word and bis deeds turned the scale against Tyrconnel, who with himself and Lauzun returned to the beleaguered city.
Immediately upon their departure His Grace the Duke of Tyrconnel ordered it to be proclaimed that no person should presume to ask above thirty shillings for a pistole, thirty-eight shillings for a guinea and seven and sixpence for a crown in silver, pistoles before being sold for five pounds in brass and silver crowns for thirty or forty shillings. Nay this day the French marched out some of them gave a crown for each silver three-halfpenny piece.
Sunday the 3rd: nothing of note, but that advice was brought of the approach of the enemy, and all preparations for their reception hastened accordingly.
Monday and Tuesday, the 4th and 5th: most part of these two days the foot, who were encamped on the east side of the town, marched through into the King's Island, carrying with them all the materials for building their huts, and encamped there. The small works about the town not being finished, the men were kept at work incessantly day and night.
Wednesday the 6th: there was nothing remarkable, but a review being taken of the Lord Grand Prior's regiment it was found to consist of 446 private men, besides corporals, sergeants and commissioned officers, making in all 543. Of these many sick and absent, but many more without arms. Though there was the name of many regiments in the garrison yet very few of them were near this number and fewer equal in goodness of men. I speak it not out of affection or vanity because I served in it, but because it was one of the oldest in the kingdom, giving their precedence only to the Guards and disputing the right with Hamilton's, all others yielding to it.
Thursday the 7th: on the works mounted by brigades at noon went the Lord Grand Prior and HamiltonRichard Hamilton was the fifth son of Sir George Hamilton of Donalong, and uncle of James, sixth Duke of Abercorn. He was banished from France because he aspired to the hand of the Princess de Conti, the natural daughter of Louis XIV. On coming to Ireland as the friend of William, he yielded to the advice of Tyrconnel. He won at the rout of Dromore, forced the pass at Cladyford, and besieged Derry. He advised James to station Sir Neill O'Neill with his dragoons at the ford of the Boyne near Slane, where he fought gallantly, but was taken prisoner. Louvois did not think highly of his work at Derry, and deemed it too important work to be given to an officer in a foot regiment and not very distinguished in that.
He served with distinction in the French army both before and after his coming to Ireland. Avaux mentions the fact that he was suspected of being in communication with the Williamite leaders, and in a letter to Queen Mary, April 1689, Tyrconnel denies this, rumour, adding that the thing in itself bespeaks the ridiculousness of it
. and the regiments joined to them, which made a large brigade and had not as at other times a particular brigadier, but were commanded by him whose day it was. The enemy encamped within three miles of the town and our dragoons retired, burning all the country as they went. The devastation spread on all sides, and quite round might be seen some villages, and many farms, and considerable gentlemen's country houses in flames. Our negligence at first was cause that our works, though mean and inconsiderable, were not yet finished, so that no intermission could be allowed. Gordon and Felix O'NeillThe muster of Colonel Felix O'Neill's Regiment merely gives the colonel, lieutenant-colonel, one captain, and one lieutenant.
Colonel Felix O'Neill was the son of Turlough O'Neill, an active supporter of Charles I. At first he was a barrister and became a Master in Chancery, but in 1689 he doffed his gown and buckled on his sword. He was killed at the battle of Aughrim (Story, pt. ii, 285, 291). with other regiments joined to them relieved the work in the evening to continue all night till break of day.
Friday the 8th: GormanstownLord Gormanstown's Regiment had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, major, eleven captains, fourteen lieutenants, and fourteen ensigns. There were thirteen companies and 578 men (Brit. Mus. list). Avaux gives 300 men. and Bellew,Lord Bellew's Regiment had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, major, thirteen captains, fourteen lieutenants, fourteen ensigns, adjutant, chaplain, and surgeon. There were thirteen companies and 878 men (Brit. Mus. list).
Avaux gives 350 men. &c., mounted the work and were relieved at noon by the Grand Prior, &c. This morning the enemy's horse and dragoons came up within half a mile of the town, showing themselves on the rising
grounds, and having taken a view of all posts returned to their camp. A party of Colonel Luttrell's Horse being abroad, a small skirmish happened between them and some of the most advanced of the enemies. There was nothing in it considerable, only two of the enemy being taken and three or four killed, of ours only one wounded.
Saturday the 9th: the Prince of Orange invested the town, enclosing with his army all that is not surrounded by the Shannon.The description of the siege by Corporal Trim seems to have been taken by Sterne from an old soldier who had been present: We were scarce able to crawl out of our tents at the time the siege of Limerick was raised, and had it not been for the quantity of brandy we set fire to every night, and the claret and cinnamon and geneva with which we plied ourselves, we had both left our lives in the trenches. The city of Limerick, the siege of which was begun under His Majesty King William himself, lies in the midst of a devilish wet swampy country; it is surrounded with the Shannon, and is by its situation one of the strongest fortified places in Ireland; it is all cut through with drains and bogs; and besides, there was such a quantity of rain fell during the siege, the whole country was like a puddle; 'twas that and nothing else which brought on the flux. Now, there was no such thing after the first ten days, as for a soldier to lie dry in his tent, without cutting a ditch round it to draw off the water; nor was that enough for those who could afford it, without setting fire every night to a pewter dish full of brandy, which took off the damp of the air, and made the inside of the tent as warm as a stove.
Dumont de Bostaquet and Story confirm the truth that heavy rain fell, yet the Duke of Berwick writes: I can affirm that not a single drop of rain fell for above a month before or three weeks after |
Stevens, in his entry on August 29, flatly contradicts this statement. As the siege lasted more than three weeks, Berwick's account means that no rain fell for more than ten weeks. Detachments of our foot, supported by the dragoons, disputed every field with the enemy, lining the hedges and retiring orderly from one to another after several volleys and some execution till they came within shelter of our cannon or outworks, and there they continued in small bodies in the ditches and kept their ground all night. In this skirmishing we lost but very few men, nor indeed could we spare them so that it was done only for form and to amuse the enemy. Giving way still as they pressed upon us, there was never an officer killed but Sir Maurice Eustace had his horse shot under him in the midst of us, and Fitzpatrick's major his in a field below us, but neither they nor any of us hurt. I will not be too exact in affirming what garrison we had, I know both to encourage us and terrify the enemy we were given out to be
15,000 strong, but I can be positive that to my knowledge we were not in all 10,000, including the unarmed men which were a considerable number.William's force was only 20,000. Its strength had been diminished by the numerous garrisons. Klopp, v. 169. This day the Grand Prior with the regiments joined, which I shall no more repeat, mounted the hornwork, Hamilton the east side trenches, Maxwell's DragoonsBrigadier Thomas Maxwell's Regiment of Dragoons had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, major, ten captains, twelve lieutenants, eleven cornets, eight quarter-masters, and an adjutant. There were twelve companies and 649 men (Brit. Mus. list). Avaux gives 360 men. Singer's Correspondence of Lord Clarendon enumerates twelve companies with 600 men (ii. 512). Cf. Somers State Tracts, xi. 399.
Brigadier Thomas Maxwell was unable to oppose the landing of Schomberg at Bangor and was present at the battle of the Boyne and at the siege of Limerick. He advised the Duke of Berwick to agree to send a deputation to Louis and to send with it a secret agent of his own explaining the Anglo-Irish standpoint. The Duke sent Maxwell, who gave his own version of the situation to Louis, and his gloss was accepted. A sergeant and ten men from his regiment behaved with the utmost gallantry at the Bridge of Athlone. Maxwell gave up his sword to Mackay when he entered the breach in the wall at Athlone. According to Macariae Excidium and the Light to the Blind, Maxwell had an understanding with Ginkell. Colonel O' Kelly did not like him; for he was a friend of Tyrconnel. After 1691 he went to France and Louis gave him the command of the Royal regiment, and he perished at the battle of Marsaglia, 1693. There are references to him in the Avaux negotiations: Avaux to Louvois, August 14, August 30, September 4; Avaux to Louis, October 21; Avaux to Louvois, November 26; Avaux to Seignelay, December 6. from the south-east to the south-west tower, on the west side Bellew and Gormanstown. Detachments mounted the redoubts, the walls and English town being posts of less consequence, and never falling to these that were the best regiments, except the walls when the siege grew hot; I shall make no mention of them, not being able to give a general account of all places, being constantly tied to the duties of my post, which being in a regiment of such repute was commonly where there was most probability of service. I shall be brief in my relation of the siege, affirming only what I saw or received from eyewitnesses of credit, for considering my post at that time very much cannot be expected, and I had rather be brief with truth and omit small passages than by pretending to more particulars than I can affirm deliver falsehoods or at least uncertainties. There was within the hornwork a small stone half-moon that covered Mungret Gate, now
quite made up. This place was appointed for a party of horse and here constantly stood about thirty of Luttrell's regiment ready upon all occasions.
Sunday the 10th: one battalion of the Royal regiment of Foot Guards relieved the hornwork, GordonColonel Gordon O'Neill's Regiment had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, major, ten captains, with only one lieutenant and one ensign recorded. There were 425 men (Brit. Mus. list). Avaux gives 200 men.
Colonel Gordon O'Neill (d. 1704) was one of the representatives of the county of Tyrone, and was lord-lieutenant of that county. He was the son of the celebrated Sir Phelim O'Neill of Caledon in Tyrone. His regiment served at Derry, the Boyne, and Aughrim. At the last engagement he was left as dead on the field, but the following day some Scots officers recognized him through his likeness to his mother, a Gordon. They had him nursed till he recovered from his wounds. After the treaty of Limerick he went to France, where Louis gave him the colonelcy of the Charlemont Regiment of Infantry. and Felix O'Neill the east side, Luttrell's Dragoons St. John's Gate, FitzGerald and Kilmallock the west. The enemy fired most part of the day some field pieces from Cromwell's fort and the hill opposite to the south-west commonly called the Ball tower. They did no execution though two or three balls went through the Capuchins' chapel in time of mass. Our cannon answered upon all occasions though to as little effect, only that we looked on the enemy's losses through multiplying glasses their loss could not be much, but some there was.
Monday the 11th: the Grand Prior mounted the east side where the O'Neills were, the second battalion of guards relieved the first and the rest in order. The Grand Prior also relieved the two redoubts of the south-east angle. The cannon played hot on both sides till the enemy's on a sudden gave over, it was thought ours had dismounted or at least endamaged some of their pieces. Some battalions of the enemy's being encamped within sight and reach of our guns, they played through them so smartly, that they were obliged to remove.
Tuesday the 12th: the works were relieved as before. We heard nothing of the enemy all day they continuing very quiet, as was thought being busy in the wood cutting of faggots, wherever they could be perceived to move in any body within reach on cannon continually played on them.It is extraordinary to find that Stevens omits all notice of Sarsfield's remarkable exploit in destroying the Williamite siege train at Ballyneety on Monday the 11th. Clarke Correspondence, August 12, 1690, vol. i, f. 90; Theo. Harrison to the Rev. John Strype, August 23, Dublin (Ellis Correspondence); Rawdon Papers, No. 143; Burnet, ii. 58; Clarke, ii. 416; Dumont MSS.
Wednesday the 13th: we mounted the same place, all other posts were relieved as usual, for the whole strength of the garrison even now at first consisted but of one relief, so that we were on duty every other day and were besides subject to all accidents of alarms which were frequent, and towards the latter end our duty was continual. This day before mounting was a review of all that were not upon duty. The unarmed men were continually kept at work, the chief part whereof was in the King's Island, where was raised a square fort with four bulwarks, on one of them a small platform for three or four guns to play over the branch of the river that makes the island, where it was thought the enemy designed to raise a battery, having made some odd shots from thence. There were besides some breastworks cast up at such places as the river was most easy to be forded. This day passed without any molestation from the enemy.
Thursday the 14th: all the works relieved as usual. The enemy lay very still till about two or three of the clock, at which time they began to play furiously with four pieces of cannon on our platform of the citadel, and so continued very hot for about two hours, when on a sudden they gave over. Our cannon the meanwhile was not idle, but answered them so smartly both from that platform and above within the citadel that by their sudden ceasing as well as other signs which we could perceive, it was concluded we had done some considerable damage to their battery. On our side only a lieutenant lost an arm, seven or eight killed, and as many wounded.
Friday the 15th: we mounted as before. The enemy's cannon played at our platforms and did little or no hurt. Only on the north side some few men were hurt and two or three killed by the cannon balls which rebounded back from the stone wall.
Saturday the 16th: the works relieved as usual. All our unarmed men were continually kept at work, some fortifying
the King's Island, others beating down the battlements on the walls, which were very high, took up much of the wall and did much harm when struck by the enemy's shot, because being of stone they flew about and wounded all that stood near.
Sunday the 17th: having relieved the works the whole day continued very quiet. About midnight the enemy advanced on the south and south-east sides of the town. Not far from the south-east angle were two small redoubts and a third opposite to St. John's Gate on the south side. This last they attacked, which though made up only of loose stones laid one upon another was vigorously maintained by Hamilton and Eustace's Grenadiers, who behaved themselves so well that they repulsed the rebels and kept their ground till ordered to retire, that poor work being no longer tenable. A detachment of the Grand Prior's men, who were in the remotest of the two redoubts opposite to the south-east angle behaved themselves so ill that they quitted their post at the first charge and fled, some to the other redoubt and some to the trenches, with such precipitation that they lost their arms, the officers commanding there being the first, as it afterwards appeared, that gave the example to the soldiers of running, which they so readily followed that not one shot was spent in defence of the post. Lieutenant-Colonel ConnelColonel Maurice Connel felt keenly the loss of Athlone, and as St.-Ruth had been identified with the faction of Tyrconnel, the latter forfeited still more of his already dwindling popularity. It was said that Tyrconnel's friend, Brigadier Maxwell, had an understanding with Ginkell, and it was further rumoured that Connel ordered the viceroy to leave. Connel fell at Aughrim. Macariae Excidium calls him a stout tribune (p. 133). of the Lord Slane's Regiment advanced out of the trenches, endeavouring to encourage the men to retrieve their honour by regaining the redoubt, but the enemy being in possession and our men in a consternation nothing was effected, only that with some small reinforcement he put himself into the other redoubt, which secured it for that time he continuing there till we were relieved. The enemy after this success attempted not to proceed any farther, but were heard to work all the remaining part of the night and the next day, being
Monday the 18th: it appeared they had raised a new battery upon Cromwell's Fort, so called for that it was raised by that usurper in the former rebellion when he besieged Limerick. It stands on a hill which overlooks the town about a quarter of a mile distant from it, the redoubt we lost the last night on the south side lying in the mid way to it. As soon as day appeared they began to play from that new battery with four pieces of cannon upon our small platform that covered the south-east angle, but with little success, some few balls being buried in it, others flying quite over the town, and some after glancing along the wall falling into our trenches, whereof one broke the legs of three men and a piece of another killed one man, but we retiring our men under shelter received no further damage. At the usual time we were relieved by first battalion of the Royal Regiment of Foot Guards, who were afterwards to be relieved by their second battalion, that post being taken from us, either because it being the most exposed and consequently most honourable seemed of right to belong to the Guards or else silently to reproach us for the loss of the redoubt. This night the enemy advanced and attacked that redoubt we were still masters of near the south-east angle, and having made some show of attempting the trenches retired without gaining anything, their assault being but weak and of no continuance. The town took the alarm and all the garrison that was within continued the whole night, either on the walls or at arms, in the streets ready upon all occasions.
Tuesday the 19th: a strong detachment of the best men with firelocks and swords, for it is to be observed we had but few of those sorts of arms, was drawn out of the best regiments that relieved the trenches. The Grand Prior's with Colonel Moore's RegimentColonel Charles Moore's Regiment had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, twelve captains, three lieutenants, four ensigns, quarter-master, chaplain, and surgeon. There were thirteen companies and 794 men (Brit. Mus. list). Avaux gives 400 men.
Colonel Charles Moore was the only son of the celebrated Rory O'More of 1641, and as such was chief of the O'Mores of Leix. He married Margaret, Lady Brittas, second daughter of the eighteenth Lord Kerry, by whom he had no issue. Hamilton and Berwick left his regiment to garrison Coleraine, and afterwards it was dispatched to Sligo (Clarke, ii. 382). On May 4, 1691, with four other regiments it encountered the Williamite forces near Castle-Cuffe. Colonel Moore and his lieutenant-colonel fell at the battle of Aughrim (Story, pt. ii, 138). This regiment suffered so cruelly at this battle that only Major John Burke, two captains, one lieutenant, and four ensigns remained to be committed by Ginkell to the custody of the Dutch Provost-Marshal. mounted the hornwork where
the Regiment of Guards did duty before they were removed to the trenches on the east side. The hornwork is on the west side enclosing a small old stone half-moon before Mungret Gate now made up; in this half-moon stood continually a troop of horse ready upon all occasions. The hornwork was large to cover a hill which commands the greatest part of the town. The Grand Prior's battalion covered the south and west parts of the hornwork, Moore's the north or rather the north-west.
The detachment before mentioned was advanced before the trenches on the east to have secured the redoubt of the south-east angle, if attacked, but the enemy attempted it not, and contented themselves with drawing a trench parallel to ours from the redoubt they had taken towards the river, our advanced men never endeavouring to disturb them, whereas they might easily have obstructed their work and done good execution upon them. Nothing else happened of moment, but whereas before we relieved the works in the morning now it was put off till the evening.
Wednesday the 20th: the enemy played from their battery on Cromwell's Fort, and from another they had newly raised on the redoubt they took from us opposite to the south-east angle. In the afternoon they vigorously attacked the redoubt we still maintained on the same side not far from their new battery. Lieutenant-Colonel Kelly of the Guards commanded there and twice repulsed the rebels,This may be Colonel Charles O'Kelly (1621–95) or his brother Colonel John O'Kelly. See Macariae Excidium, xi–xix. but the third time the post was abandoned without any apparent reason for it, the defendants having sustained no loss and the enemy giving way; only the fear of our men, and, as I heard, the ill example of some officers, who first quitted the post putting them to flight. An unfortunate sally was made after the loss of the redoubt at the east Watergate by all our horse, a party of
dragoons afoot, and a body of foot. The loss of our horse for their number was great, many of them being killed and wounded. The foot behaved not themselves so well as was expected, but the dragoons advanced boldly and did much execution among the enemy's horse till being overpowered they retired in very good order, still firing as they gave way. Our loss was considerable and among the rest were killed Colonel PurcellColonel Nicholas Purcell's Regiment of Horse had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, major, ten captains, eleven lieutenants, eleven cornets, seven quarter-masters, and a chaplain. There were twelve companies and 419 men (Brit. Mus. list). Avaux gives 360 men. In the Somers Collection of Tracts (xi. 411) we find this cavalry regiment classed as dragoons and its strength is given as twelve troops with 720 men. The majority of the soldiers belonged to Tipperary. The Purcells were a famous family of fighters. In this regiment besides the colonel there were six of the name. The name also appears in Lord Mountcashel's Infantry, in Colonel Edward Butler's, in the King's Own, in Sir Michael Creagh's, in Colonel Dudley Bagnall's, Lord Clare's Dragoons, Lord Galmoy's Horse, and there is a Purcell a colonel in the infantry.
Colonel Nicholas Purcell became a Privy Councillor in 1686 and in 1689 he sat as a member for the county of Tipperary. James sent his dragoons to Belturbet and the Duke of Berwick commended them. Purcell was present at the battle of the Boyne where the tactics of James prevented his doing much. He was a zealous friend of Sarsfield. With the two Luttrells, Henry and Simon, Macclesfield, and the Roman Catholic Bishop of Cork he went on a deputation to Louis in order to ask him to send men and arms and an important French general to act as generalissimo. Berwick sent Brigadier Maxwell with counter-instructions and orders to detain Henry Luttrell and Purcell. These two were also bitterly opposed to Tyrconuel and they are also joined in a more sinister connexion, for they were suspected of treason at Aughrim. At Limerick he acted as a commissioner for the Irish and persuaded them to go to France. Stevens was misinformed, for Purcell survived the siege. and his Lieutenant-Colonel Power,John Power was lieutenant-colonel in Lord Kilmallock's Infantry. He sat in the Commons as a representative of Waterford, and was attainted in 1691. In 1703 John, commonly called Lord Power,
petitioned Queen Anne, setting forth that during the late calamitous times he was kind and serviceable to divers Protestants, especially in Limerick during the siege, he being then mayor of the city; that he had gone to France and was in the army there, when encouragement having been given to him by the late King William, he quitted that country, though offered a major-generalship if he remained; that the sudden death of that king retarded his interest, but Her Majesty having given him licence to return, he gave up his son to be educated a Protestant, the queen allowing a yearly maintenance for his education; and that she gave himself an appointment to go and serve the King of Portugal, her ally. That, during his absence from the kingdom, he was outlawed as for treason, though, as he replied, he had neither real nor personal property that could accrue to the Crown by his outlawry. That, however, by a recent Act of Parliament such attainder could not be cleared away, but only by another Act, the benefit of which he therefore prayed. Stevens seems to be in error here, for the only lieutenant-colonel of Colonel Purcell's Regiment was Robert Purcell. and
Lieutenant-Colonel Mockler.Sir James Mockler was the lieutenant-colonel in Henry Luttrell's Regiment of Horse. In 1691 he was attainted. He is, in all probability, Colonel Sir James Moakland. The enemy lost a great number of officers and soldiers.On the 20th William ordered an attack upon the strong redoubt close to St. John's Gate. Cutts' Grenadiers and the Eighteenth Foot led the way. The grenadiers threw in their grenades and, following their missiles, after a sharp struggle they mastered the fort. The Irish sallied forth to retake it and were repelled by the Sixth Dragoon Guards and some French horse. There were over 300 of the Irish killed, and when they begged for quarter the soldiers replied that they should have just such quarter as the wagoners at Ballyneety received (Theo. Harrison to the Rev. J. Strype, August 23, 1690, Dublin (Ellis Correspondence); Hist. MSS. Com. xii. 7. 291). One great advantage of the capture was that it enabled the besiegers to erect a battery nearer the walls. The king witnessed the whole fight and was distressed to learn that he had 79 men killed and 192 wounded. Boisseleau to Louvois, Limerick, August 21/31, 1690, Ministère de la Guerre; Clarke Correspondence, vol. ii. f. 102:
- English Cavalry… 21 killed; 52 wounded
- English Infantry… 58 killed; 140 wounded
- Total… 79 killed; 192 wounded
- English Horses… 64 killed; 57 wounded
In the evening we were relieved, but to as little rest as at other times, for
Thursday the 21st: about one or two in the morning we were alarmed and continued at arms in the street and on the walls till about six when we were again dismissed. All the day the enemy continued their work, having every day brought great quantities of faggots, which now they employed in securing and carrying on their trenches towards the river. In the evening the posts were all relieved according to custom and this night we received no disturbance from the enemy.
Friday the 22nd: with the day the enemy began to batter the tower on the south-east angle with four pieces of cannon and continued it hotly without any intermission till about noon or somewhat after the upper part of it fell to the ground, the remaining part being still as high as the wall. After this they slackened in their fury of firing, but gave not wholly over continuing to make some shots at the same tower and some at another in the middle of the east wall. It was now ordered we should relieve at one of the clock the time the
enemy relieved their trenches. This was the first night for a week that we were not alarmed in town, yet our men on the walls continued till day firing upon the enemy, who were carrying on their approaches on the east side, and threw many bombs and carcassesCarcasses are shells made partly of iron. into the town which they had not done before, yet they did no considerable execution.
Saturday the 23rd: they spent the whole day battering the east wall next the tower they had ruined the day before, playing incessantly with six pieces of cannon planted on a battery they had raised in the first redoubt they took from us directly opposite to the south-east angle. They also made many shots at the citadel by St. John's Gate. The stones that flew from the wall and splinters of balls which broke against those hard stones killed some and wounded many of our men, because the narrowness of our works afforded no shelter and the ruins of the walls could not be avoided in the straightness of the trenches. The citadel and south wall received little or no damage, but on the east side the top of the wall was shaken. After noon there was a cessation of arms for about two hours to bury the dead, which lay above ground since the day we lost the last redoubt and made the unfortunate sally. Then the works were relieved. A detachment of 100 men out of several regiments was sent to join the guards in the trenches on the east side where the enemy pushed on their approaches and had their chief battery. I was ordered with this detachment and we were posted in the north end of the trench next the river, that being the most exposed place of all the works because all the enemy's cannon that played upon the wall drove clouds of stones and rubbish upon it which flew with great violence and wounded many. Besides it was thought the enemy would make an attack upon that place because it was the weakest and even naked at low water. The officers had positive orders if attacked to kill any soldier that should offer to fly, and it was also declared death for any officer to quit his post though never so hard pressed. However we only essayed the fury of the cannon which played day and night, for the enemy attempted not the post. They were all
night at work our men from the wall incessantly firing upon them. This night also they threw a considerable number of bombs and carcasses into the town, but had no extraordinary effect besides the beating down two great houses and firing some thatched stables which abroad made show of a great fire.The author of Macariae Excidium describes the general character of the struggle: Never was a town better attacked and defended than the city of Paphos (Limerick). Theodore (William) left nothing unattempted that the art of war, the skill of a great captain, and the valour of veteran soldiers could put into execution to gain the place; and the Cyprians (the Irish) omitted nothing that courage and constancy could practise to defend it. The continued assaults of the one, and the frequent sallies of the other, consumed a great many brave men of the army and garrison.
Hist. MSS. Com. xii. 7. 288: At the action in taking the lower town a soldier who was an apprentice to a butcher here in Leadenhall Market had the courage before the king to go up to the very mouths of two cannon of the enemy's with a sword in one hand and a musket in the other and killed both the gunners. The other soldiers followed close after, beat the rest off and kept possession. For this His Majesty sent for him the next day and gave him 200 guineas and a captain's place.
William, according to an eyewitness, is almost all day long in the trenches and exposes his person on every occasion, as much as a private exposes, and is obliged to expose, his. A few days ago a squadron of the enemy might easily have carried him off
Notes and Queries, August 18, 1877).
Sunday the 24th: with the day we discovered the enemy had advanced their trenches within fifty paces of our counterscarp on the east side, and were raising a battery in the redoubt they last gained of us. All the day they played hotly from the other on the wall which was much damaged thereby. Nothing else remarkable happened this day. The works were relieved as usual except our detachment which through the negligence of the major continued on till night.
Monday the 25th: the enemy began very early and continued all day playing hotly from two batteries, the one of twelve pieces of cannon against the intended breach in the east wall. The other was of four newly raised in the bottom near the bog opposite to the middle tower of the east wall, whence they made many shots at the Franciscans' chapel, standing near the east gate of the English town where we had three pieces of cannon that flanked their trenches. They also played them at Ball's Bridge which joins the English and Irish towns, being built over that arm of the Shannon which encloses the English town and King's Island. About noon both sides
relieved their works. Many of the enemy's balls from the east side flew over the town into the hornwork, they aiming high to bring down the top of the wall by degrees. After night they threw many bombs and carcasses which did no great hurt, but one firing a thatched mill near the citadel made without the show of a great fire at which the rebels shouted, but their joy was soon extinguished with the flame. This was all the harm done this night.
Tuesday the 26th: the day began as usual with the noise of the cannon from all the enemy's batteries. This day they perfected their intended work, having made a breach in the southernmost part of the east wall near twenty paces wide, and though somewhat high yet easy of ascent, the vast quantity of rubbish beaten from the upper part of the wall and tower having almost filled the counterscarp so that there was no difficulty in mounting. Their cannon also levelled the glacis of the covered way and, having beat down the palisades, opened a plain passage to the breach and that gave a fair invitation to assault the town. This night they threw but few bombs and fewer carcasses seeming to be sparing of both. None of them did any damage worth mentioning.On August 24 the Williamite trenches were only twenty yards from the ditch of the town. Six batteries were now playing upon the walls, and storms of shot, shell, and red-hot balls fell within Limerick.
Wednesday the 27th: the enemy's batteries played furiously, the farthest off being the least at Ball's Bridge, the great one at the breach till they had laid it open above thirty paces and made the ascent plainer on their side than it was from the town. About noon the trenches were to be relieved which in part was done, only the Grand Prior's to which, as was said before, because of the weakness of regiments were joined Slane's and Boisseleau's,Major-General Boisseleau's Regiment had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, no major, thirty captains, thirty-one lieutenants, and thirty-one ensigns. There were twelve captains and five lieutenants à la suite. Of the former nine were French and three Irish; of the latter three were French and two Irish. The British Museum list gives 1,286 men, and Avaux 1,178. stood at arms in the street in order to have relieved the hornwork. It had been before ordered that as they relieved one regiment should still stand at arms till another came in. It was our good fortune to
attend then when on a sudden we were commanded to light our matches and that scarce done to march towards St. John's Gate and man the walls, but before we could reach it our governor, Major-General Boisseleau, came running and, ordering us to the left, led to the breach. Before we could come up the running we perceived the breach possessed by the enemy, a great number came down into the retrenchment made within it and above twenty of them were got into the street. Having heard no firing of small shot before, we at the first sight thought they had been our guards retiring out of the counterscarp, they being all in red coats, till we discovered the green boughs in their hats which was the mark of distinction worn by the rebels, whereas ours was white paper. Besides an officer on the breach brandishing his sword called upon his men to follow, crying the town was their own. Our guards, who were in the counterscarp, upon the first appearance of the enemy abandoned their post without firing a shot, flying with such precipitation that many of them forced their way through our dragoons, who were posted on the right of them towards St. John's Gate. These dragoons behaved themselves with much bravery presenting their pieces upon such of the guards as had not pierced through them, which obliged many to stand as did some of their officers ashamed of the infamous flight of their men. With these few that stood by them the dragoons made good their post during the whole time of the action. Meanwhile the Grand Prior's Regiment had well lined the retrenchment within the breach and, being undeceived that the enemy and not our own men were those that rushed in so impetuous, the word was given to fire, which was performed so effectually that a considerable number of the rebels dropped, and our men renewed their charges with such vigour that in a very short space they had not left one enemy within the breach, though still nothing daunted they pressed over, fresh men succeeding those that were killed or wounded. This sort of fight was continued near an hour, our battalion alone making good their ground against that multitude of enemies which being still backed with new supplies was all that while insensible of its losses. During this dispute most of the
inhabitants of the Irish town giving it for lost fled into the English town, as did also the regiment of Colonel Butler of Ballyraggett,Piers Butler, Lord Galmoy (1652–1740), became a member of the Privy Council in May 1686 (Singer's Correspondence, vol. i, p. 400), and lord-lieutenant of the county of Kilkenny. The Enniskilleners repulsed him when he besieged the Castle of Crom, and he was taken prisoner at the siege of Derry (Graham's Derriana, 188). He is Colonel Butler of Ballyraggett. He was Irish commissioner at the capitulation of Limerick and was included in the amnesty. He retired to France and James created him Earl of Newcastle. His English estates were forfeited and he was attainted in 1697. Louis appointed him colonel of the second Queen's Regiment of Irish Horse. His only son was killed at Malplaquet. On his retreat from Belturbet he stained his name by an act of gross treachery. One of his captains, Brian Maguire, had been captured at Crom, and Galmoy offered to exchange Captain Dixie for him. The proposal was accepted and Maguire released. When Dixie came to Belturbet, Galmoy tried him and another prisoner, Charleton, on the charge of high treason. The two were offered life and liberty if they became Roman Catholics and followed the Jacobite banner. They scornfully rejected these infamous terms, and were hanged from a signpost in Belturbet. This faithless deed embittered the whole contest and made many men determined not to give or receive quarter from a Jacobite. to which three others were joined, and all ordered to support us that bore the brunt at the breach. The guards that were upon the gate of the English town at Ball's Bridge shut it against these regiments, which by that means were again formed and marched to the breach, but not till the heat of the action was over the enemy having been beaten from it, which was in this manner. Our continual fire having made a great slaughter among the rebels and they beginning to abate of their first fury, M. de Beaupré,Beaupré was lieutenant-colonel in Boisseleau 's Regiment of Infantry. At two in the afternoon of September 6, the Williamites attacked the counterscarp of Limerick, and the regiments of the Grand Prior and Boisseleau gallantly defended it. Beaupré, several officers, and about two hundred men were killed in this part of the fight, which lasted about four hours. a Frenchman, and Lieutenant-Colonel to Boisseleau our Governor, leaped over our retrenchment making to the breach. Most men strove to be foremost in imitating so good an example, so that being followed by a resolute party he soon recovered the top of the breach. Here the fight was for some time renewed and continued with sword in hand and the butt end of the musket. Our other men upon the walls were not idle this while, some firing and others casting stones upon the enemy beneath, which
did no small execution, but the greatest havoc was made by two pieces of cannon playing from the citadel and two others from the King's Island, as also two others from the Augustine chapel near Ball's Bridge which last scoured all along our counterscarp then filled with rebels, and the other four swept them in their approach on the south and east sides. The enemy thus cut off on all sides came on faintly, and a barrel of powder which lay near the south-east tower accidentally taking fire and blowing up some that were near it, the rest conceived it had been a mine and fled, neither fair words nor threats of officers prevailing to bring them back. The action continued hot and dubious for at least three hours, and, above half an hour after, went in diminution till the enemy wholly drew off. A great slaughter was made of them: deserters and prisoners who spoke the least, affirming above 3,000 were killed and wounded but others spoke of much greater numbers, and I am apt to believe by what we afterwards found unburied there could not be much less than 3,000 killed. On our side the dead and wounded amounted not to 500, among the first were Lieutenant-Colonel Beaupré before mentioned and Colonel BarnewallThe British Museum list sets down Peter Barnewall as lieutenant-colonel of Lord Gormanstown's Infantry. This name was also commissioned in the King's Own Infantry, in the infantry regiments of the Earl of Westmeath, Fitz- James, Lord Slane, and Colonel Charles Moore, and in Tyrconnel's Horse and Simon Luttrell's Dragoons. who had no post there but being under some imputation of cowardice came to clear his honour at the expense of his life; among the latter a French major of the regiment of Boisseleau and others of less note, as also Lieutenant-Colonel Smith,Henry Smith was a lieutenant in O'Neill's Infantry. Smiths were also commissioned in Clifford's Dragoons, Galmoy's Horse, Thomas Butler's, and Lord Bellew's Infantry. Cf. Vicars, 429–31. captain of a company of foot guards killed, and Sir James Mockler, Lieutenant-Colonel of Dragoons wounded. It was God's providence that the enemy attacked not the hornwork at the same time as the breach, for those regiments that were in it, though never assaulted apprehending the town was lost quitted it, and fled down to the river without reflecting there was no way for them there to escape and that their only security was in their arms; but God had
not ordained the town should be lost at this time. After the enemy was wholly withdrawn from the attack the guards repossessed themselves of the counterscarp. Those who had made good the breach continued in arms about it all the night without receiving any molestations from the enemy, unless the firing now and then of a cannon, as it had been to keep us waking, and the casting a few bombs and carcasses which had little or no effect.In the afternoon at half-past three the Williamite grenadiers rushed from their trenches to the counterscarp and entered the breach. Under the fire of their muskets and the throwing of their grenades they dashed on, and the Irish fell back, vigorously pursued by the foe. Had the five hundred grenadiers been properly supported Limerick must have fallen. Unfortunately for the English the order of attack had been not to storm the city but to attack the counterscarp. If William had been on the spot he would not have hesitated for a moment to change the order, but the precious opportunity was allowed to slip away. The supporting battalions did not follow the grenadiers into the town, and when the Irish saw the attack was not followed up they rallied and overpowered the gallant grenadiers. Behind cover the Irish fight excellently, and they rarely fought better than now. As at Derry the women shared in the contest; and with deadly effect pelted the assailants with stones and broken bottles. The other troops now came to the aid of the grenadiers; the Brandenburgers entered the terrible breach and were mounting the Black Battery when the magazine there blew up. They wavered, and Boisseleau, seizing the golden moment, charged with all his reserves. The murderous struggle of three hours' duration was over and Limerick still was untaken. Five hundred English, including fifty officers, had been killed and above a thousand wounded. The Irish suffered severely, but naturally less than the besiegers.
Thursday the 28th: the enemy played their cannon very hot at the breach to enlarge it towards the south angle, and to beat down a small part of that tower which sheltered our men on the south wall from their shot, and had been prejudicial to them mounting the breach. The first they performed as to laying the breach wider open, but their design on the remaining part of the tower took no effect. From their lower battery next to the bog they plied the bridge so warmly it was very dangerous to pass. This, as was remarked before, is not the great bridge over the main body of the Shannon, but a small one over a branch of it, and joins the English and Irish towns; the communication between which they laboured to cut off, which if effected must have proved fatal to us, but the damage they did was inconsiderable. In the morning
early the Grand Prior's regiment was relieved with orders to refresh only for four hours and then to be at arms again, which being done, 250 men were drawn in five detachments of 50 each and posted in several places. That which I commanded was ordered to the middle tower on the east wall which was much shaken and still battered, where we continued all the rest of the day and night following. Several were this day killed in the counterscarp by the stones that flew from the wall.
Friday the 29th: the enemy's cannon played as before and enlarged the breach to above forty paces. At the bridge one shot cut both the chains of the drawbridge and did some other damage but not of much moment, because the enemy's battery had not a full view of it, and their shot came slanting towards one end, yet the passage was very dangerous. The Grand Prior's detachments were all relieved this afternoon except that where I commanded, which continued in the same place till night, when being relieved we only marched into the street, and having joined the rest of the regiment to the trenches on the south-west side of the town, where we continued all night expecting an attack. The night was extreme cold, dark and rainy and we almost spent for want of rest.Clarke Correspondence, vol. ii, f. 116: I wish the inclemency of the weather does not incommode the progress of the siege of Limerick.
For my own particular as appears by this relation I had had none at all for three nights before this and but very little during the whole siege, nor indeed was it possible to have much being upon duty every other day and continually alarmed when we expected to rest. Our cannon and small shot fired the whole night round the walls, and much railing was betwixt our men and the enemies, for we were so closed up on all sides that though the night was stormy we could easily hear one another.
Saturday the 30th: in the morning we observed there was great silence in the enemy's works and day appearing we could not perceive any body in them, which at first was looked upon as a stratagem to draw us out of our works, but some few being sent out to discover returned and brought the news that all abroad was clear. Immediately the word was carried
about all our works that the rebels had raised the siege and stole away in the dead of night, which at first seemed incredible to many. In a short space our men could not be contained within the works but running out found the enemy's trenches and batteries abandoned, and their dead lying everywhere in great numbers unburied, being those that were killed at the assault. All that had anything they stripped but the plunder was very poor, the clothes being old and coarse and having lain two days and upwards in the dirt and rain upon those carcasses. There were found above one thousand pickaxes, shovels and spades, many bales of fine flax which they used instead of woolpacks to cover their workmen with wooden frames to support them, some frames with iron hooks to hang out lights upon, and some but not many arms. Though the enemy had abandoned their works yet they were not gone far and had still three small pieces of cannon at Cromwell's Fort which played towards St. John's Gate, and we could see great bodies of them marching at a small distance; besides in many places the ditches were lined not far from our works whence they fired upon such as ventured out. A detachment of ours sallying out of the hornwork drove some of them from their ditches, but relief coming down to them our men were forced to retire. The guns at Cromwell's Fort continued long firing, but at length were drawn off and we repossessed ourselves of all the posts we had lost during the siege, destroying as much as we could all the enemy's works. Our men were very disorderly and could by no means be restrained from straying abroad, which if the enemy had returned upon us must doubtless have put us into much confusion if not endangered the town, many of our men being but little disciplined, and our former misfortunes having rendered them too apprehensive of danger especially when not foreseen. The works were relieved about noon after the usual manner and the enemy encamped within three or four miles of the town. This day about noon marched into town 1,500 men, being all firelocks sent to recruit the garrison from the army in Connaught; a small supply, had the siege continued, considering there was but one relief in the town and all that were quite
spent with continual fatigue, but such as the relief was it came not till the enemy were gone.
Sunday the 31st: the enemy continued encamped in the same place. All our works were mounted as before, the Grand Prior's regiment at the breach. Several detachments and all the unarmed men were put to work to bring in the faggots the enemy had gathered in great numbers, and about thirty gabions they left behind, which were placed upon the breach.
Monday September the 1st: our men continued bringing in the faggots, demolishing the enemy's works and removing the rubbish from before the breach. The prisoners we had were sent out with a guard to bury the enemy's dead that lay very thick about the town and began to grow noisome. All posts were relieved, but the Grand Prior's men continued for want of orders all day at the breach and were drawn off towards evening.
Tuesday the 2nd: the enemy lay still in the same place, but we received intelligence that they had sent away their sick and wounded men, as also their artillery and heavy baggage. It was hereupon ordered that for the future only seventy men of each battalion should do duty instead of the whole.
Wednesday the 3rd: was appointed a general day of review for the garrison in the King's Island, but the weather proving extreme foul it was put off.This entry, too, contradicts Berwick's statement that no rain fell for three weeks after the raising of the siege. See the entry for the 29th August.
Thursday the 4th: all the foot drew out into the King's Island and were reviewed by the Duke of Berwick, then Lieutenant-General and General Governor of Ireland. I designed to have taken a particular account of the strength of all regiments, but the weather proving very foul we were discharged.
Tuesday the 9th: in the morning arrived at Limerick Lieutenant-Colonel Boismeral,Francis Boismeral was nominated second lieutenant-colonel of Carroll's Dragoons. who had been sent with 100 foot and 100 dragoons to garrison Kilmallock. He returned this day with all his men disarmed, having to his eternal infamy delivered up that place and his arms, without
firing a shot, to a small body of horse, notwithstanding the town was enclosed with a good stone wall, yet he only asked leave to depart when shame might have obliged him never to return. All his excuse was that the enemy threatened to bring foot and cannon, the very name whereof, though there was no probability of the execution, frighted him into such a shameful surrender.
Sunday the 14th: I walked out to view the ground where the enemy encamped, in one part whereof where their forges had stood were found ten or twelve tons of Kilkenny coals, and under ground above 400 bombs and carcasses with a great quantity of cannon ball of all sizes, which upon their raising the siege they had buried. But the most remarkable thing was a spectacle of horror near this place, for here were to be seen the ruins of a hospital built by them for their wounded men, which at their departure they most inhumanly burnt full as it was of those miserable wretches, whereof many were consumed to ashes, others lay within half burnt, and others that had more strength or were nearer crept out at the three doors, and soon failing for want of relief dropped down and lay dead about the field. A piece of barbarity we have not heard of amongst the most savage nations.Stevens's strictures are not too severe if the hospital had been purposely set on fire, but the evidence goes to show that the fire was accidental. Cf. Dalrymple, O'Halloran, and Lenihan, 248. De Burgho's account in Hibernia Dominicana is incredible from all our other knowledge of William's character. De Burgho relates that William, in his haste to decamp, left a vast number of sick and disabled in hospital. He was asked by such of the generals as dared to approach him, what was to be done with the sick and wounded. De Burgho gives the reply— With fury in his eyes, and rage consuming him, roaring out, he said Let them be burnt — let them be set fire to
; and forthwith the hospital was enveloped in flames.
There might be destroyed in this inhuman manner about 300 men, for so many, deserters told us, there were in the hospital, and the carcasses and limbs that lay about unconsumed were very numerous. I cannot but observe here that all about the city, but more especially in this place last mentioned, there were infinite numbers of crows and ravens, which seemed to have resorted from all parts of the country to prey upon the dead bodies
which lay everywhere unburied. They were with the plenty of food grown excessively fat, which made them appear above the common size, and so tame that they walked among men familiarly, as homebred fowl do. All being quiet about us nothing worth observing occurred till
Monday the 29th, when four battalions of foot marched out of Limerick, and encamped about a quarter of a mile from the town, and not far from Cromwell's Fort. The regiments being very weak, several of them were put together to make up battalions. Those that encamped were the Grand Prior's to which were joined Slane's and Boisseleau's, ButlerColonel Edward Butler's Regiment had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, major, thirteen captains, fifteen lieutenants, ten ensigns, quarter-master, chaplain —a Capuchin — and surgeon. There were 746 men (Brit. Mus. list). Avaux gives 368. joined by Sir Michael Creagh, Westmeath and Grace, the two MacMahons,Colonel Art MacMahon's Regiment had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, major, nine captains, twelve lieutenants, and twelve ensigns. In its ranks were eleven MacMahons, fourteen O'Reillys, and four Bradys. No other details are forthcoming.
Of Colonel Hugh MacMahon's Regiment we have a list of the colonel, lieutenant-colonel, major, one captain, and one lieutenant.
The sept of MacMahon ranked as Princes of Monaghan and territorial lords of Farney from a very remote time. In the reign of James II Father Gelasius MacMahon was the head of the sept, but his clerical character prevented his fulfilling the duties of his station. His younger brother. Colonel Art MacMahon, was styled oge
. Colonel MacMahon was lord-lieutenant for the county of Monaghan, his deputy-lieutenants being Brian and Hugh MacMahon, who represented that county in Parliament in 1689. Hugh was a captain in the regiment of the Grand Prior, and was afterwards lieutenant-colonel in the regiment of Charlemont. The regiment of Hugh MacMahon relieved the fort of Charlemont when it was besieged by Schomberg, and was in Limerick during the first siege. Colonel Art was killed at the battle of Aughrim, and after the treaty of Limerick Father Gelasius retired to the Continent (Story, pt. ii, p. 108). and Iveagh composed the third battalion, and Gordon and Felix O'Neill the fourth. The third of these battalions had no arms at all, the other three for the most part were armed, but not completely; this is to be understood of firearms, for very few had swords. This day the weather began to grow foul with much rain and great storms of wind, which continued all the while we lay encamped here. The fields we lay in were very green, and we wanted not wood, an orchard at hand supplying us plentifully, but there was no straw in
all the country about, unless what the enemy had left, which was not fit for use so that the poor soldiers' huts had scarce any covering, and the poor men lay on the wet ground.
Tuesday the 30th: we received the news of the loss of Cork,Cork was captured by John Churchill on the 28th. Light to the Blind, 642: The governor was forced to yield the town, and the garrison, to be prisoners of war, for want of powder: which the enemy knew the day before — a strange neglect in business of highest consequence; and an usual defect in the management of this war, as I have often mentioned
. The capture of Cork and Kinsale removed a very convenient means of holding frequent communication with France. It lessened the danger from French privateers and threw control of the south into the hands of Ginkell. All Munster, except Limerick, was lost to the Jacobites, and indirectly the capture of this town had been begun when the southern harbours passed under English rule. which, though afterwards contradicted, proved true. The manner of it I do not undertake to relate, as not having been present, and the relations we had differing very much.
Saturday October the 4th: marched out of Limerick towards the county of Kerry Brigadier MacGillicuddy,The muster of Colonel Denis MacGillicuddy's Regiment gives only the colonel, lieutenant-colonel, and major.
The name of MacGillicuddy was the distinctive title of the head of an offshoot of the O'Sullivans. Of the regiment which Colonel Denis MacGillicuddy raised there remains only the name of the major, John Butler. and the Lord Kenmare's RegimentsLord Kenmare's Regiment had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, major, eleven captains, twelve lieutenants, and ten ensigns. There were thirteen companies and 796 men (Brit. Mus. list). Avaux gives 450 men. of Foot.
Sunday the 5th: the Lord Slane's Regiment, which till now had been joined to the Grand Prior's, marched away from the camp.
Monday the 6th: the Horse Guards, the second Battalion of Foot Guards, the Grand Prior's Regiment to which were joined Boisseleau's, as was said before, and FitzGerald's instead of Slane's, and Butler of Ballyraggett's Regiment joined by those, of Creagh and Grace,Colonel Grace's Regiment had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, major, ten captains, nine lieutenants and six ensigns. There were thirteen companies and 580 men (Brit. Mus. list). Avaux gives 150 men.
As Douglas approached Athlone the garrison set fire to English Town, and, breaking down the bridge, they retired to Irish Town. The river Shannon is extremely rapid, but there is a ford a little below the bridge passable on foot in dry summers. English Town and Irish Town were surrounded by walls of defence, but the fortifications were in unsound condition. On July 17 Douglas summoned the governor, Colonel Richard Grace, to surrender (Clarke Correspondence, Wolseley's letter, August 10, 1690, vol. i, f. 87. It gives a vague account of the number of the enemy). Firing his pistol in the air, Grace bade the trumpeter tell his master that those were the terms he was for
, and that when his food was all gone he would defend Athlone until he had eaten his boots
. Douglas had fetched a weak siege train: he had only two twelve-pounders, ten smaller guns, and two small mortars, and insufficient powder for them. Besides, his supplies of bread and provisions also commenced to run short and his soldiers were compelled to plunder (Clarke Correspondence, vol. i, f. 70). At dawn on July 25 the siege was raised, and Douglas, by skilful marches, led his men to Limerick to rejoin William. In 1691 Ginkell surprised Athlone, and the London Gazette records that the body of Grace was found among the slain. Grace maintained severity of discipline and was beloved by his men.
marched and lay that night at the Sixmilebridge in the county of Limerick, where there are only some poor thatched cottages, so that some lay in the field, and some crowded into those poor huts; the night was very boisterous. I having been ill for some days had leave and was advised to stay in Limerick, and indeed was in no good condition to march, especially afoot, having no horse, and in such bad weather. However I could not live from my regiment, which was all the home I had and all the friends. Besides that I was ashamed to stay when the regiment was going where there was some talk of service, and therefore followed the best I could, and being, as I said, afoot and somewhat weak could go but four miles, and lay at night at a fair house but very bare, as having been plundered, as was all the country about. The last inhabitant of it was one Croker a Protestant,Cf. Vicars, 112. who went away with the enemy, the ancient proprietor then in possession one Burke.
Tuesday the 7th: I set out with the day and joined our forces at the Bridge. We marched thence three miles to Bruff, a small but not contemptible town, where we halted awhile, and found, contrary to report we had heard before, no want of entertainment, but what was caused by the shyness of the poor people and the too much eagerness of the soldiers, whose pressing necessities were a sufficient excuse of their rudeness. Yet it had been given out that the country was quite destroyed, and neither meat nor drink to be found on all the way to Cork. After this little halt, we marched on three miles farther to Kilmallock. Notwithstanding the
rains we had before this road was good, there being a causeway throughout betwixt the two towns, and the paths within the fields being sound, as not much beaten, few people travelling at that time. Kilmallock lies in a bottom just under a high hill, which quite overlooks it, and is surrounded with a stone wall after the old manner with battlements, but not broad enough for two men to walk on it abreast. The ruins show it to have been a good town, the houses being of stone, lofty and large, but most of them ruined, and but few of those that remain inhabited, both parties having been in the place, and the greatest part of the inhabitants fled or at least had removed their best effects. Here are also some remains of a large church; a small river runs by the walls. The Grand Prior's battalion, as well officers as soldiers, quartered in one large house. There was no provision to be found here but only butter and some small quantity of drink, which was soon spent. We had brought with us six days' bread, and all the gardens were full of cabbages, which subsisted the men.
Wednesday the 8th: a subaltern officer of each battalion was sent out with a detachment to bring in spades, shovels, and pickaxes from the country. The Duke of Berwick, who came to town the night before, went out with the horse, and returned without meeting any enemy. Towards evening marched into the town Colonel Nugent's Regiment of Foot, called the Caps, because they all wore them like Grenadiers, as being more easily to be had than hats.Colonel Richard Nugent's Regiment had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, no major, eleven captains, twelve lieutenants, and eleven ensigns. No less than thirteen Nugents served in this regiment. There were thirteen companies and 659 men (Brit. Mus. list). Avaux gives 300 men. Dragoons wore a sort of cap as well as hat, and they and the horse grenadiers were the only troops to whorn both were issued.
Thursday the 9th: nothing happened of note, but whereas we expected some works would have been carried on with the tools taken up the day before, they were only ordered to be left at the general's quarters.
Friday the 10th: the four battalions of foot were drawn out upon the hill over the town, where the Duke of Berwick took a view of them, and they returned to their quarters.
Saturday the 11th: in the morning the foot drew out again on the hill and marched away, having left detachments who burnt Kilmallock, the horse doing the same to Charleville, having before wasted the country round about and fired several villages. This morning we marched back three miles to Bruff, and with us the Horse Guards and Duke of Tyrconnel's Regiment of Horse. These last encamped in the gardens of a great house near Bruff belonging to one Evans, which, being very large and built after the manner of a castle with large stone walls and battlements, had been burnt by our army: the place was called Ballygrennan. All the Foot and the Horse Guards quartered in the town, which being but small they were much thronged, and to straighten our quarters a house accidentally took fire, and the wind being very high burnt down five or six others that contained a considerable number of men. All the morning whilst we were drawn up on the hill and marched, there continued a most violent storm of wind and rain, which cleared up when we came to Bruff but it fatigued us extremely on the march. All the country about Bruff is very pleasant, being a large valley and good land well peopled and improved. The town is small and has nothing in it worth observing. There was corn and cattle enough, plenty of cabbages in the gardens, and what was the great support of the people and soldiers, large fields of potatoes, yielding prodigious quantities of them, and all little enough considering the vast consumption, for they often serve instead of bread, and the soldiers would be feeding on them all the day.
We continued here all Sunday the 12th, and Monday the 13th and Tuesday the 14th, without anything worth observing, unless the bringing in of six or seven prisoners and two deserters; but this night about midnight, by the mistake of our advanced guards, we were alarmed and continued under arms above an hour. The night was favourable being very fair and moonlight, when finding our mistake we returned to our quarters with orders to be ready upon beat of drum.
Wednesday the 15th: at the same time the tattoo was beating we received orders to be in readiness, and so continued all
night. The guards were doubled and our horse and dragoons drawn out and ready all night, which proved very dismal for wind and rain. What occasioned the alarm I cannot tell, but it much harassed the men and proved a false one. But we were very subject to mistake, to watch when no danger was near and sleep when it hung over our heads. All this while the weather was very foul, our quarters bad, and provisions scarce because of the soldiers' rudeness, so that it was now come to pass that a man must either rob with the rest or starve by himself.
Thursday the 16th: we returned to Limerick. Here I continued in quarters with the regiment all the winter, during which time there happened very little or nothing of note, for our forces being very inconsiderable and much harassed, there was no possibility of gaining any advantage upon the enemy, who at the same time made no other of our weakness but to live the more at ease. The weather it must be confessed, for the most part, was not fit for any action, yet considering how much they were superior to us they might without much difficulty have taken opportunities to straighten us in our quarters, which in a small time must have reduced us to extremity, and would consequently have saved the expense of another campaign, and the lives of many men they lost in it. But they seemed to be stupefied or wholly devoted to their ease, leaving us in quiet possession of the whole province of Connaught, besides the entire county of Kerry and the greatest part of the county of Limerick. These counties maintained the greatest part of our small army especially with flesh and potatoes, for all sorts of grain was very scarce. In Limerick, which was the head-quarters, we lived most of the winter upon salt beef allowed out of the stores, had one while ammunition bread made of all sorts of corn put together allowed in a small quantity, but for the most part instead of bread we received half a pint of wheat for officers, and the soldiers the same quantity of barley or oats in grain, to make our own bread. Of salt beef the allowance was half a pound a day. As for pay a small part of the winter we received subsistence money in brass, which was equivalent almost to nothing, for
a captain's subsistence which was a crown a day would yield but one quart of ale and that very bad, whereas for four Irish halfpence there was much better drink to be had. Wine and brandy bore prices proportionable and so everything else in that coin, for with silver necessaries might be had at reasonable rates, but there were few who had any of that metal. To instance something more of the value of brass money we gave a crown for a loaf of bread very little bigger than a London penny loaf when corn is cheap. I gave five pounds in brass for a pair of shoes, nor could I have purchased them at that rate, but that the shoemaker was allowed a wretched garret to lie in the house where my company quartered; for it is to be observed that most of the garrison was quartered by companies or greater numbers in empty houses, only the officers quartering in those that were inhabited. After this having got cloth, lining, and buttons out of the king's store to make me a suit of clothes, and employing a soldier who was a tailor and managed all things the most frugal way to make it, the expense of making or the tailor's bill came to eighteen pounds, and yet was there not a needleful of silk in the suit, a all the seams being sewed with thread, and the buttonholes wrought with worsted. But to proceed, before Christmas all the brass was consumed, so that nothing remaining to coin money, and there being no duties or taxes to be raised because the small territory we had was in no capacity of paying any, the army from that time never received any pay whatsoever, and to say the truth they were better satisfied without it than with such as they had before, for the brass was accounted to them as if it had been gold or silver, and at the same time was worth nothing, whereas now as they received nothing so they had nothing to account for. It is really wonderful, and will perhaps to after ages seem incredible, that an army should be kept together above a year without any pay, or if any small part of it they received any it was, as has been said, equivalent to none. And what is yet more to be admired the men never mutinied nor were they guilty of any disorders more than what do often happen in those armies that are best paid. Nor was this all they might have complained of. In
Limerick as has been said all the garrison lay in empty houses, where they had neither beds nor so much as straw to lie on, or anything to cover them during the whole winter, and even their clothes were worn to rags, insomuch that many could scarce hide their nakedness in the daytime, and abundance of them were barefoot or at least so near it that their wretched shoes and stockings could scarce be made to hang on their feet and legs. I have been astonished to think how they lived and much more that they should voluntarily choose to live so, when if they would have forsaken the service they might have been received by the enemy into good pay and want for nothing. But to add to their sufferings the allowance of meat and corn was so small that men rather starved than lived upon it. These extremities endured as they were with courage and resolution are sufficient with any reasonable persons to clear the reputation of the Irish from the malicious imputations of their enemies; and yet this is not all that can be said for them. We have already seen them defend an almost defenceless town against a victorious disciplined army, and we shall see them the following summer under all these hardships fight a battle with the utmost bravery, though overcome by numbers rather than valour. Let not any mistake and think I either speak out of affection or deliver what I know not; for the first I am no Irishman to be anyway biased, and for the other part I received not what I write by hearsay but was an eyewitness. As for the city of Limerick, which I said was almost defenceless, it had no other but an old stone wall made against bows and arrows, I mean the first siege, and a poor covered way we made in a month's time. The enemy delayed coming to attack us, for when we came to the place it was all encompassed for a great way with suburbs and gardens, and had no other work but the bare wall I have mentioned. All the works there were we made in that short space of time by which any man may judge what they were, and the better to satisfy such as cannot form a true notion of them, they must understand that the French regiments we had with us at the Boyne, and who assisted in raising these very works, when they heard that the enemy drew near,
utterly refused to stay in the town and stand a siege, alleging, and with good reason, that the place was not tenable, and this because they had seen fortified towns and by their strength were sensible of the weakness of this, whereas the Irish who had never seen a place well fortified thought this an impregnable fortress, and I have heard almost as much said by Irish officers, some of whom in private I undeceived as having been abroad and knowing more of that particular than they. As for the battle in which I say the Irish were overcome by numbers, this I can positively affirm, having myself taken the numbers of each regiment when drawn out, that we did not make 17,000 in all horse, foot and dragoons, and that in all places we had three to two against us. This I am sure of: in the foot and in the horse I believe the odds was much greater. But I must not here anticipate upon what happened so long after. The battle of Aughrim which is that I have made the last observation upon will be mentioned in its own place and with more particulars.The strength of the two armies at Aughrim was fairly even. Ginkell possessed some slight numerical advantage, but this was counterbalanced by the fact that he was the attacking party. The list of the English army gives the following numbers, reckoning the cavalry regiments at 300 and the infantry at 550, their effective strength, and allowing for two regiments of English and two of foreigners for the protection of the camp:—
presentation of footnote material slightly modified for display reasons.
English
- Horse: 6 regiments at 300 = 1,800
- Dragoons: 3 regiments at 300 = 900
- Foot: 15 regiments at 550 = 8,250
- --------------------------------------10,950
Foreigners
- Horse & Dragoons:12 regiments at 300 = 3,600
- Foot: 8 regiments at 550 = 4,400
- --------------------------------------8,000
-------------------------------------------------------19,000 (circa)
Story says that Ginkell had only 17,000. He thinks that the Irish had the advantage of 1,000 men, but possibly he means the strength of their position was as good as 1,000 men extra. Elsewhere he writes that they had 20,000 foot and 5,000 horse. According to Macariae Excidium they had 10,000 foot and 4,000 horse. The truth is,
writes Colonel Henderson (Life of Stonewall Jackson, i. 259), that in war, accurate intelligence, especially when two armies are in close contact, is exceedingly difficult to obtain.
Let us now return to our hard winter in Limerick, where the poor men, besides all the other
difficulties they had to struggle with of hunger, nakedness, &c., in the severest of all the season for rain and storms were set to work upon repairing the breach and raising a new bastion without it. I was myself three weeks with every day a fresh detachment upon this work, and the season was so bad that we never had a dry day, and accordingly the work advanced. At the end of this time I obtained to be myself relieved and by reason of the bad weather within a few days after, the breach being made up with stone taken from a quarry just at the foot of it, the work ceased without, there being no possibility of carrying it on. In February following engineers being come from France, the work was resumed all round the town by a great number of men. The soldiers were promised three pence, ensigns fifteen pence, lieutenants twenty pence, and captains half a crown a day in silver for their work, that is the soldiers to work and officers to inspect them, which made all willing to undertake the task, having no other pay and being in such want as has been already mentioned. The engineers being all French and not speaking any English such officers were made choice of to attend the work as could speak French, of which number I was one, and continued at the work daily, not excepting Sundays from the middle of February till the 20th of April. The first three weeks we were justly paid according to promise, without any deduction, but then the rest of the time, being about six weeks they let run on, and when at last we came to be paid, they lowered the captain's pay to twenty pence and the lieutenant's to fifteen pence besides deducting for half days and the like, so that the officer's pay falling so short I refused to follow the work any longer, and chose rather than be so imposed upon to do my regimental duty for nothing with the rest. Besides the chief engineer and I had some words, he presuming that small pay would have made me more submissive to him, but I freely told him I would attend the work no more, and as positively performed it, though he sent some of the under engineers and officers of our regiment to court me to return, and even when the regiment marched out to take the field he sent to offer to get leave for me to stay all the summer in the
town at the work, which I refused, though much more for my safety, ease and profit, but neither did I like the man nor could I ever be persuaded to forsake my regiment, or had it been proper for a man that valued his reputation to stay from it when marching against the enemy. These works round the town consisted of six great bastions, curtains, and covered way enclosing all the Irish town, being that which lies on the south side of an arm of the river Shannon, that divides it from the English town seated in the island formed by the said river, and called the King's Island. This part lay most exposed to the enemy and was therefore best fortified. However an entrenchment or covered way was made about the King's Island to secure it from all attempts, and in the middle of it a Fort Royal with four bastions and a line of communication to the English town. All these particulars may be seen in the mapCf. foot-note on p. 146. and therefore I shall not spend more time in describing them. But to return to the men, I must observe, lest I seem to conceal anything that was intended for their advantage, that to comfort them in their miseries there was a very small quantity of tobacco and brandy allowed them weekly out of the stores. As for the brandy I believe they scarce ever tasted it, of the tobacco, which for the most part was rotten, some very inconsiderable quantity was distributed among them, all the brandy and remaining part of the tobacco being by the majors, who were entrusted to distribute it, converted to their own use, it is likely, by the consent of their superiors who doubtless shared the profit with them. These things were so visible that the meanest soldiers were sensible of them though they bore them with great patience, yet I who always used that freedom that might not give occasion of scandal did not fail betwixt jest and earnest to tell the major of our regiment my opinion of that proceeding, who from that time forward ever allowed me as much of both or rather more than was my due, and I might have had much more would I have asked it, for to give him his due he did not want for good nature though interest blinded him as well as the rest; and for myself I was never very covetous of either brandy or
tobacco. Having said enough of these particulars, I must here take notice, which should have been done before, that on the 26th of January 1690/1 the value of brass money was pretended to be settled by proclamation, but that availing nothing on the first of February following it was cried down, which might have been done long before or not at all, because as has been already shown, it was of no value.
On the 18th of April, 1691, arrived an express from France, with the news of the taking of Mons by the French; for which on the 19th Te Deum was sung in the church of St. Mary being the cathedral.The Cathedral of St. Mary is, with St. Canice's at Kilkenny, the only mediaeval cathedral still standing and in use besides St. Patrick's and Christ Church in Dublin. The cannon was also three times discharged, and as many volleys of small shot, and there were bonfires and other demonstrations of joy.
May the 4th: marched out of Limerick a detachment of fifty men of a regiment, more of the Guards, and Burke's
company of two hundred Fusiliers, in all about eight hundred men. They marched to Lough Gur, seven miles from Limerick; to fortify a pass there, which when finished they all returned, except Burke's company left to make good that place.
May the 9th: arrived in the river Shannon a French squadron of men-of-war, having sent some ships to Galway, and about noon landed the French general M. St. Ruth,St.-Ruth had served for twenty years in the wars in Holland, Flanders, and Germany. In 1691 Louis appointed him to command the forces in Ireland, and on May 8 he arrived in Limerick with 146 officers, 150 cadets, 300 English and Scots, 24 surgeons, 180 masons, 2 bombardiers, 18 cannoniers, 800 horses, 19 pieces of cannon, 12,000 horse-shoes, 6,000 bridles and saddles, 16,000 muskets; uniforms, stockings and shoes for 16,000 men, some lead and balls, and a large supply of biscuit. There was, as the London Gazette was careful to note, neither men nor money. He came with a favourable opinion of Irish soldiers, for on September 21, 1690, Dangeau writes: St.-Ruth reports that in the late battle in Savoy the Irish troops had done wonders (fait des merveilles).
Moreover, he was extremly popular with the Mountcashel Brigade. Berwick remarks that he was by nature very vain
. As a commander he was incomparably superior to Lauzun and even Rosen. He was gravely hampered in his work by the fact that he could speak no English. who was received with real demonstrations of joy. The 17th was a general muster of the garrison of Limerick, and the 18th and 19th the regiments were particularly reviewed, delivered
in their unfixed arms and received others. The last of these days Brigadier Talbot, natural son to the Duke of Tyrconnel, was declared colonel of the regiment, which till then had been the Grand Prior's, in which, as has been said, I served. On the 18th also Sir John FitzGerald's Regiment of Foot marched into Limerick and encamped, on the 20th Colonel Connel's, on the 21st MacGillicuddy's, and on 23rd Power's Regiment without arms, and the same morning marched out Gordon O'Neill and Nugent's Regiments towards Athlone. The 24th they were followed by the first battalion of Guards and Felix O'Neill's Regiment, on the 26th by MacGillicuddy, Connel and Macguire,Roger Macguire was Lord Enniskillen and lord-lieutenant of the county of Armagh: he sat as a peer in the Parliament of 1689. At first he was a captain in the Earl of Antrim's Infantry, but ultimately commanded a regiment he had raised. He fought at Aughrim. After 1691 he went to France, but as Louis assigned to him no regiment he retired to St.-Germain, where he died in 1708, aged 67.
According to King's State of the Protestants Colonel Cuconaught Macguire had a regiment. The regiment mentioned by Stevens was either Roger's or Cuconaught's. on the 27th by the second battalion of Guards, Saxby and Sir John FitzGerald, on the 29th by the Lord Slane, and Colonel FitzGerald, and on the 30th by the Lord Iveagh, O'Donnell, the Lord Kenmare, and Macarthy.Lord Mountcashel's Regiment had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, major, twelve captains, fifteen lieutenants, thirteen ensigns, chaplain, and surgeon: its old name was Colonel Justin Macarthy's Regiment. It had thirteen companies and 395 men (Brit. Mus. list). Avaux gives 200 men.
This same day Art MacMahon's regiment entered Limerick unarmed. The 31st the Lord Enniskillen's Regiment marched away for Galway, and the same day Hugh MacMahon's came to Limerick unarmed.
June the 2nd: Purcell's Regiment of Horse,Of Colonel James Purcell's Regiment we have merely the list of colonel, lieutenant-colonel, and major. Carroll'sColonel Francis Carroll's Regiment of Dragoons had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, major, nine captains, eleven lieutenants, eleven cornets, ten quarter-masters, and an adjutant. There were ten companies and 353 men (Avaux). This regiment was formerly Colonel Thomas Trant's, formerly Sir James Cotter's.
Before Colonel Francis Carroll commanded a regiment he had been lieutenant-colonel of Lord Dungan's Dragoons. He attacked Enniskeen, but was driven off by Colonel Ogleby (Story, p. 65). After 1691 he went to France and became major-general, and he and Lieutenant-General Thomas Maxwell were each placed in command of a regiment of dismounted dragoons; Maxwell's was the Royal Regiment and Carroll's the Queen's. Each of these numbered 558 officers and men. At Marsaglia both officers were killed. Ces deux régiments de dragons,
wrote Catiuat, qui étaient dans le centre de la ligne, ont fait des choses surprenantes de valeur et de bon ordre dans le combat. Ils ont renversé des escadrons l'épée à la main, les chargeant tête par tête.
Dragoons, and the two MacMahons' Regiments of Foot marched out of Limerick towards the camp.
The 3rd: came to Limerick Cormuck O'Neill's Regiment of Foot consisting of about nine hundred men as likely, clever, lusty, well-shaped fellows, as ever eyes beheld.
Thursday the 4th of June: marched out of Limerick Brigadier Talbot's Regiment, which was before the Grand Prior's, in which I served. It was then about four hundred strong. We halted a considerable time beyond Thomond Bridge, till one small field piece and one cart laden with ammunition joined us, and then we marched without any other stop to the camp at Killaloe, eight miles from Limerick, where we pitched our tents on the left of the Guards, all on the south side of the town, but without any order. This town and the road to it I shall not need to give any account of in this place, having said as much of it as is requisite before when we passed the same way the first time towards Athlone, as is to be seen in this book, folio 92. This night the soldiers passed with much inconveniency for besides that we had but four tents to a company there were neither tentpoles nor pins; some few made what shift they could to set them up, the rest lay about under the hedges. The day was fair and pleasant to march, but the night extraordinary wet and cold, considering the season of the year. In this place we found fifteen battalions of foot, whereof two were of the Guards.
Friday the 5th: two hundred men were detached to bring wood, and the whole day spent in building huts, which were covered with turf or long sods cut off the face of the earth, very thin and four or five feet long, which in Ireland they call strauths. The reason of this shift was because there was no straw left in the country or other sort of thatch to be had, and we were obliged to hut because, as was said above, each company had but four tents, one of which was taken for the
officers, and though our companies were thin, ten huts would scarce contain them by reason of the great number of women and children always following the camp. Nor was this evil to be remedied under our circumstances, forasmuch as most of the army consisted of soldiers of other provinces then in the enemy's hands, and those poor wretches had no other home but the army, and must perish without it.
Saturday the 6th: part of the day was spent in exercise, wherein I found our old men as imperfect, through the want of use, as the new. We received six days' bread late at night, twelve bullocks for the regiment, and orders to march the next morning.
Sunday the 7th: Brigadier Talbot's, Saxby's, and FitzGerald's Regiments of Foot marchedCf. Route for the Sixth Foot from Limerick to Dublin, 1699 (Marching Orders, Dublin State Papers). The remainder of this footnote has been omitted. It may be consulted in the PDF version of Stevens Journal available on www.archive.org on the Internet. at three of the clock in the morning. First to Tomgraney, five miles, a little ruined town, within half a mile of which is Scarriff, neither of them worth the noting but for the iron mills there formerly, now gone to decay. The road is all mountain with a wood along the Shannon. Hence we marched to Graig or as the English call it Woodford, eight miles over an uncouth barbarous mountain full of bogs and covered only with wild sedge, fern, and heath, without one house, cottage or so much
as a living creature of any sort to be seen. In winter this way is impassable when the season is wet, but in a dry summer good, yet at best boggy in some places. The miles are long and the day was very hot without the least breath of wind, tiresome to the soldiers and to me so much that had we not made a halt two miles beyond Graig, I had not been able to go farther, being afoot and quite spent with the fatigue. Nor is it to be admired that officers should be afoot when we were cooped up in a corner of the country where horses were grown very scarce, the army having been so long without pay, as was mentioned before miserably poor, and I as a stranger particularly wanting many helps which the natives had. At Woodford there is an iron work in the bottom upon a small river that falls into the Shannon: the town stands on the hill above it. The bridge at Tomgraney joins, or rather the river that runs under it parts, the county of Clare from that of Galway, the same being also the bounds of the provinces of Munster and Connaught. To add to our weariness we were marched an English mile beyond the town and, there being no convenient ground to encamp, were obliged to march back through the town, where we encamped on the side of a hill, but with much confusion and disorder, as well in the manner of our drawing up as pitching the ground. Here some bullocks were slaughtered and divided to the soldiers.
Monday the 8th: the general beat at four, but we stirred not in two hours after, then set forward and marched seven miles, which in this country are the longest in Ireland, though none there be short. The first part of this way is mountain,
then a pleasant bottom, most good pasture land. We struck two miles into this valley and ought to have kept along the sides of the hills, but none knowing the way went astray near two miles, for after four hours' march we were at the abbey, which is but two miles from Woodford. Thence three miles along a pleasant country till we came to Portumna Park, which is very pleasant and delightful, and a full mile through it, and just under it the town of Portumna, small yet better than many of the country towns in that province. We made no halt, but marched a mile farther and encamped on a rising
ground. The day was hot, and though the number of miles small the way seemed long and tiresome. Some small allowance of beef was here given to the soldiers.
Tuesday the 9th: nothing of note, but that one small bullock was divided among all the officers of the regiment, a very poor allowance, and all they received since they left Limerick.
Wednesday the 10th: the general beat at five in the morning, yet we stirred not till towards noon, then marched five miles to Meelick. The country is pleasant, being diversified with cornfields, pasture land, and some underwood and brakes. From the time we left Limerick till we came to this place I did not see ten head of any sort of cattle, but what was with the army, either horses, cows, or sheep, very few people and nothing but ruined villages. At Meelick in the small islands the river Shannon there makes the people had secured some small flocks of sheep and a few black cattle. This place consists of a few scattering cottages, one gentleman's house in an island and an old castle in another little island, upon one of the passes of the Shannon, which pass is convenient enough for travellers with a guide; but not for an army, the ford being narrow with several windings and dangerous on both sides. Here is also the residence of a few Franciscan friars only remarkable for the poverty of their house and chapel which are nothing but long thatched cabins. The walls of a handsome chapel designed by these friars are standing, but never roofed or further finished than the raising of them to their full height. All round is a very delightful plain, the soil good, but inclining to bog in wet weather.
Thursday the 11th: a review of the brigade was taken by Brigadier Talbot;Mark Talbot was a representative of Belfast in the Parliament of 1689 and became a lieutenant-colonel in the Earl of Antrim's Infantry. He signalized himself by a gallant sally at the first siege of Limerick. Le Brigadier Talbot,
writes Berwick, qui se trouvoit alors dans l'ouvrage à cornes avec cinq cents hommes, accourut par dehors le long du mur, et les chargeant par derrière, les chassa, et puis rentra par le breche, oû il se posta.
He was taken prisoner at the battle of Aughrim and was outlawed in 1691. The Montgomery MSS. style him a bastard of Tyrconnel
. the general beat at noon in order to march,
yet nothing was moved. Here the Shannon divides itself into several branches and forms many islands.
Friday the 12th: four deserters came over to us, who gave an account that the enemy were 13,000 strong at Ballyboy in horse, foot and dragoons. We had before received information that they were 15,000 between Athlone and Mullingar, and had taken Ballymore, a place of very considerable strength, in less than forty-eight hours.Ballymore was defended by about a thousand men under Colonel Ulick Bourke with only two cannon, which were Turkish pieces mounted on cart-wheels. After a brave display of resistance the garrison surrendered to Ginkell on June 8. Clarke Correspondence, Ulick Bourke to Ginkell, June II, 1691; Clarke, James II, ii. 452; An Exact Journal of the Victorious Progress of their Majesties' Forces under the Command of General Ginckle this Summer in Ireland (1691). Here we lay still, without anything remarkable happening till
Friday the 19th, when, about three in the morning an express came with orders pursuant to which we decamped and marched immediately five miles to a place whose name, if it has any, I could not learn, there being no village, house or place of note near it. The first mile of this way is a large beaten road as bad at this time with the continual rain as if it had been the depth of winter, where stands the much noted house in Connaught called Eyre's Court, being a pleasant seat built by one Mr. Eyre and much celebrated in the country, but by what I could perceive in marching by it nothing answerable to what fame reports. All that can be said, it is a pretty gentleman's seat, the house large with a pleasant wood on the back of it; but no good prospect any way, nor any river near it. Round about is hilly ground, which, with the improvements and the convenient neighbourhood of a small village, make it delightful enough. The land hither is most enclosed, though some of it full of shrubs and wild. The next two miles is all common, covered with fern, heath, much sedge and some patches of good grass and several bogs. No dwelling is in this way, but at the end of the two miles an old house or castle, where begins for the following two miles to be some enclosures and much more bog and shrubby land. At the end of our march we found fifteen battalions of foot encamped in a line, the horse and dragoons
at a distance from them in several places, without order. We pitched in the rear of the other line, being four regiments of foot, a long narrow ridge of rising ground running between us and the other foot, so narrow and beaten that it looks as if made by hand, yet is really a small work of nature. The reason of our march was to form a body with the other troops, the enemy having sat down before Athlone. We heard much firing and detachments of the first fifteen regiments were sent thither.
Saturday the 20th: we marched but two miles through a pleasant hilly country, and then encamped, twenty battalions of foot, besides horse and dragoons, in the same manner as the day before, the latter whose number was increased, all scattered, and four battalions of foot, which were the beginning of a second line divided from the first by a ridge of rising ground. About the first every way it is all hilly, and in the rear of the second line a spacious beautiful valley, as far as a man's sight could extend, but most of it boggy, and I believe is overflowed in winter by the river Suck, which lay behind us. On our left was the town or village of Ballinasloe, or according to the Irish pronunciation Ballinaslouagh. We heard the cannon at Athlone firing hotly all the day. After noon marched thither Major-General Hamilton's, and the Lord Galway's Regiments of Foot, with all the officers in second of the army.
Sunday the 21st the army decamped and marched through Ballinasloe seven miles, and encamped on an eminence, about two miles or better from Athlone.On the siege of Athlone, cf. Diary of the Siege of Athlone, by an Engineer of the Army, a Witness of the Action, 1691; Add. 33, 264 (Brit. Mus.) for the part Mackay played; Story, 94–8, 102–3, 106–10; Macariae Excidium, 121–2, 129–30, 419–21, 423–8; Fumeron to Louvois, June 28/July 8, and June 30/July 10; Mémoires du Maréchal de Berwick, i. 97–8: Rawdon Papers, 344–9; C.S.P., Dom., 1690–1, 429; Jacobite Narrative, 132–4; Clarke, ii. 453–5, Burnet, ii. 78–9; Memoirs of Captain Parker, 25. St.-Ruth and the French officers believed that it was impossible to force the river. Of Ginkell the French commander remarked: His master should hang him for trying to take Athlone, and mine ought to hang me if I lose it.
Ballinasloe is but a mean ruinous place, with some remains of a remarkable
house or castle as they call it which seems to have been formerly a pleasant seat. The river here runs in two branches over which there are as many stone bridges. The first is about 140 of my paces in walking in length; much about that distance from it is the other, in length 250 of the same paces, which shows the breadth of the river, and that in great floods swells beyond the extremities of the bridges, and in the interval between both, wherein also stands a considerable part of the village somewhat to the southward, and to the northward the castle. The first mile of this day's march was on a broad road much like some of the wide by-ways in England, and after that all is wild common, some boggy, some stony, and full of shrubs, and one small spot of a wood. The ground we encamped on was very high, rough, and full of shrubs, which made our camp very irregular, there being in many places scarce flat enough to pitch the tents for stones and bushes. The army spread out all in length, Colonel Talbot's Regiment on the left of all the foot, four regiments were upon duty in the town and trenches, eight more encamped without the town, and several others at small distances betwixt the town and the grand camp.
Monday the 22nd: very early Brigadier Talbot's and the Lord Iveagh's RegimentsOf Lord Iveagh's Regiment the names of the colonel, the first and second lieutenant-colonels, a captain, no lieutenants, and an ensign are recorded. No details of companies or men are forthcoming.
Bryan Magennis, Lord Iveagh, was involved in the troubles of the 1641 rebellion and was outlawed in 1642. He sat in the Parliament of 1689 and his outlawry was then reversed. He was appointed lord-lieutenant of Down, and two other Magennises were his deputy-lieutenants. Lord Iveagh and his sept furnished James with two regiments, one of dragoons, and the other of infantry. At the end of the war he entered the Austrian service with a choice battalion of 500 men. He married Lady Margaret de Burgh, daughter of William, seventh Earl of Clanricarde. In July 1690 he held Drogheda with a garrison of 1,300 men, but he surrendered the town on condition that his men were not made prisoners of war. Lord Iveagh was among the negotiators of the Articles of Limerick. William III hoped that the departing Irish would take service with Leopold, and this peer was one of the few who did so. He reached Hungary for service against the Turks, but he and his regiment died of plague (C.S.P., Dom., 1691/2, January 9, 1692, 91, 136; S.P. Ireland, King's Letter Book, i. 281, 295). of Foot relieved the trenches on
the north side of the town upon the fords of the river, where they lay all that day and night without anything worth note happening, but spent the night pleasantly in raillery with the enemy on the other side.Ginkell found considerable trouble in securing provisions for his men; but he at least was in sole command while the imperious St.-Ruth suffered cruelly from the interference of Tyrconnel. Sarsfield and his followers felt more bitterly indignant than ever against the Viceroy. The enemy's batteries of cannon and mortars played very warmly, the first all day till late at night firing incessantly upon the castle, and broke down some of the wall, but did no other considerable execution. The latter threw bombs day and night, which did some execution but not considerable. It was supposed their chief bombardier was either killed or wounded, because a shot being levelled at him the firing ceased for a considerable time, and after that their bombs fell not within so narrow a compass as before.
Tuesday the 23rd: we continued in the same post all the day much of which was spent in a sort of voluntary cessation on the banks of the river, where the guards on both sides discoursed familiarly till some general of the enemy's coming down broke off the communication, and we fell to firing at one another for a short space, and then ceased without any harm done on either part. The enemy's cannon and mortars played at the castle, but not so hot as the day before. In the morning before day appeared we heard the noise of carriages, and when it grew light saw some bodies of the enemy marching. This day came to our camp eight field-pieces with ammunition and other necessaries. At night Gordon O'Neill's Regiment relieved us in the trenches; but we only drew back, and lay all night upon the bivouac on the bog under the hills, which are the road to Athlone near the river.
Wednesday the 24th: at the first dawning of the day we marched off, and returned to the camp. From the camp to the town, for above a Connaught mile, is through the shrubs and bushes, till within a large mile of the town is a small bridge over a little brook, and from thence forward a plain hard
road along the sides and tops of the hills, and on the right a large bog, everywhere dry and passable in summer; on the left is a hilly dry ground, but close by the town a large spot of bog. The enemy continued playing from their batteries on the town.
Thursday the 25th: there was a general muster in the morning; soon after we had orders to be all ready in half an hour, and presently again to decamp; which was done, and we marched down about a mile nearer to the town, where we encamped on a ground much like the last, but far from water. The enemy had now mounted more cannon and played most violently without intermission on the castle. Here we were new formed into brigades, and ours made up of Colonel Talbot's, the Lord Slane's, Colonel Dillon's,Colonel Henry Dillon's Regiment had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, major, twenty-five captains, twenty-seven lieutenants, and twenty-eight ensigns. The staff consisted of the colonel, lieutenant-colonel, and major with an adjutant, a Maal des Logis
(see p. 159, note), chaplain, and surgeon. There were four — evidently Irish — officers à la suite. Nineteen Dillons were officers in this regiment. There were twenty-two companies and 500 men (Avaux). Besides these nineteen Dillons there was another in Lord Abercorn's Horse, in Sir Neill O'Neill's, in Lord Gormanstown's Infantry, in Lord Galway's, in Colonel O'Gara's, and in the Earl of Clanricarde's.
Colonel Henry Dillon was the eldest son of the seventh Viscount Dillon. He sat in Parliament as a member for County Westmeath, and married a daughter of the Duchess of Tyrconnel. He was governor of Galway when Ginkell took it and assisted at the negotiations in Limerick in 1691. the Lord Bophin's,The regiment of Lord Bophin (Colonel John Burke) had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, major, fourteen captains, thirteen lieutenants, and thirteen ensigns. There were four Burkes, nine Lynches, six Blakes, three Frenches, three Flahertys, three Martins and two Kirwans serving in it. There were thirteen companies and 215 men (Avaux).
Lord Bophin was the second son of William, Earl of Clanricarde, and James elevated him to the peerage in 1689. Some of his men went to aid Lord Dundee in Scotland, and the remainder was routed by the Enniskilleners at Newton-butler. After these losses he enrolled Irish recruits, and his regiment fought during the campaigns of 1690 and 1691. At Aughrim he was taken prisoner and sent to England. He was attainted on Inquisition, but his children were allowed their respective remainders and by an Act passed in the first year of the reign of Queen Anne he was cleared of all treasons and attainders, and he and his children restored to their blood and estate. and Colonel O'Brien's Regiments.
Friday the 26th: the enemy's fire at the castle continued very hot all the day, but nothing else of note happened.
Saturday the 27th: the enemy having made some attempt
upon the bridge, Brigadier Talbot's Regiment was commanded down, having lain about an hour near the town to second those in the trenches in case of an assault. The enemy's bodies, which before appeared, dispersing, we marched back, but before we could reach the camp met the general who remanded us back again. All the afternoon we lay by the bridge a mile from the town, and in the evening marched on just to the entrance of the town, where we lay till it was dark, not being well able to enter sooner because the enemy's batteries would have had a full view of us. At night we marched in and relieved the trenches on the left of the bridge, which was defended by several companies of Grenadiers.
Sunday the 28th: continued playing incessantly. About one in the morning the enemy, creeping over their barricades of faggots on the bridge, made up the broken arch with planks, both sides plying their small shot and hand grenades without intermission; yet they did their work and retired. No sooner was it done than five or six of our men, getting over our work of faggots on the bridge, notwithstanding the enemy's continual fire, took up the planks, and throwing them into the river, returned in safety. The great and small shot never ceased firing, and some time before noon the enemies with their grenades fired our faggots on the bridge, which, being very dry and not covered with earth, burnt most furiously. I was commanded with a detachment of forty men of our regiment, and other officers of the other regiments in the town with proportionable numbers of their men to put a stop to the fire, which notwithstanding all our endeavours raged so violently that it took hold of the houses adjoining to the bridge. The enemy in the meanwhile bent thirty pieces of cannon and all their mortars that way, so that what with the fire and what with the balls and bombs flying so thick that spot was a mere hell upon earth, for the place was very narrow which made the fire scorch, and so many cannon and mortars incessantly playing on it there seemed to be no likelihood of any man coming off alive. However we threw down one house, and the men, being hasty to run off with
the timber for their own security, that gave a stop to the progress of the fire, which then began to decline till it quite ceased. We had very many men killed here of the detachments that came to work, and the rest being gone off, a French major we had in our regiment, besides the Irish, commanded me back to my post. And this I think was the hottest place that ever I saw in my time of service.The French officers were compelled to admit that they had never seen more grim determination, and that the Irish were as brave as lions (Rawdon Papers, 346–8). The fire being quite put out, a new traverse of faggots was raised where it stopped. Many who had served long in France said they had never seen such furious firing for so long a time, and, besides the bombs, the enemy threw out of their mortars a vast quantity of stones; besides that the place being so close the cannon balls which struck against the castle walls beat off abundance of stones from them, which did as much mischief as the others. The whole action continued about four hours, most of the men who once got away returning no more, which made the work the longer for those who were forced to continue at it. By this means only seven of my detachment were killed and nineteen wounded out of forty, and I received no hurt myself. Yet returning to my post in the trenches I was knocked down with a stone that flew from the castle wall, which only stunned me, a good beaver I had on saving my head. Another stone from the wall gave me a small hurt on the shin, which was not considerable. At night most of the officers standing about a barrel of powder to be distributed among the men, a bomb fell in the midst of us, but we all lying down, it pleased God it took not the powder, and we all escaped unhurt. About midnight we were relieved by Colonel Nugent's Regiment, and lay the remainder of the night on the bivouac in the ditch of the castle.
Monday the 29th: with the dawning of the day we marched to the camp. This morning some of the enemy's Grenadiers advancing were so well received that we heard they lost above a hundred. Two officers and five soldiers of ours, venturing up to the enemy's faggots on the bridge, set them
on fire, and the wind favouring us destroyed them all. Four of the seven returned safe. After this the enemy fired only some odd shot all the day, and continued as quiet the night.During this siege of eleven days the English had, according to Story, fired away 12,000 cannon balls, and nearly 50 tons of powder, besides a great many tons of stones discharged from mortars.
Tuesday the 30th: most of the day passed in silence. In the afternoon on a sudden the whole camp was alarmed, and we marched down to the bridge within a mile of Athlone where we understood the town was taken, the enemy having entered both at the bridge and ford without the least opposition made on our side. The Regiments of O'Gara,Colonel Oliver O'Gara's Regiment, formerly Colonel Iriel Farrell's, had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, major, fourteen captains, twelve lieutenants and fourteen ensigns. The British Museum list does not give the names of those commissioned, and Avaux gives no details.
The O'Garas were the ancient territorial lords of Moy-Gara and Coolavin in the county of Sligo. Colonel Oliver O'Gara was a member for the county of Sligo in the Parliament of 1689. He married Lady Mary Fleming, daughter of Lord Slane. The careers of his four sons illustrate the dispersion of the Irish after 1691. The three elder sons entered the Spanish service; the first became a brigadier, the second colonel of the Regiment of Hibernia, the third lieutenant-colonel of the Regiment of Irlandia, and the fourth equerry to the sons of Leopold Joseph, Duke of Lorraine. Colonel O'Gara raised his regiment at his own expense. In September 1689 he went with Sarsfield to Connaught to retard the advance of the Enniskilleners. He witnessed the Articles of Limerick, and then sailed to France, where Louis appointed him Colonel of the Queen's Dragoons. Cormuck O'Neill,Cormuck O'Neill's Regiment had a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, major, twenty-seven captains, thirty lieutenants and twenty-six ensigns. The staff consisted of the colonel, lieutenant-colonel, adjutant, chaplain, quarter-master and surgeon. Fourteen O'Neills, eight O'Hagans, five O'Cahans, three O'Haras, three Stewarts and two O'Doghertys were among
its officers. There were twenty-two companies and 1,273 men (Brit. Mus. list). Avaux gives 550 men.
Colonel Cormuck O'Neill resided at Broughshane in Antrim, was sheriff of the county in 1687, and one of its representatives in the Parliament of 1689. and others that were in the works, quitting them at the first onset without firing a shot, so that there was no time for any relief to enter the place. Some of the enemy who ventured without the castle were driven back without any loss whereupon they retired and secured themselves within, whilst our men who had quitted the town ran in great confusion over the bog. All our army stood at arms near the place but could do nothing, the castle being strong on the
land side. In this posture we continued till towards night with manifest tokens of fear in most men's faces, as if utter ruin had been hanging over us upon the loss of that place, though the army was untouched, and, except the defence of the Shannon, no loss sustained.Brigadier Kane remarks: Here the old proverb was verified, that security dwells next door to ruin. St.-Ruth thought it impossible for us to pass the river before he could be done with the army, and it is most certain nothing but neglect of their duty (by the officers) was the occasion of it, for they, seeing their general secure in himself, thought all was safe, which made them neglect keeping their men strictly to their duty, and having a vigilant eye on us. Had they done thus, it would have been impossible for us to march, but they might easily see us from the castle, and give timely notice to their general, which would have prevented what followed. The great oversight St.-Ruth committed in leaving the works on the back part of the town standing, was the only motive that induced our general to pass the Shannon at this place.
Captain Parker agrees: Had he (i. e. St.-Ruth) destroyed these works, we should never have been able to defend the town against the whole army, especially as the castle, which still held out, was crowded with men; for though we had battered down that face of it which lay to the water, yet the other parts remained entire, and had a number of men in them.
At night we returned to the camp, threw down our tents and made all ready to march.
Wednesday the first of July: before day we marched about two or three miles, and encamped on a plain about the same distance from Athlone. This march was performed with great confusion and disorder, such a panic fear having seized our men that the very noise of ten horsemen would have dispersed as many of our battalions, above half the soldiers scattering by the way without any other thing but their own apprehensions to fright them. This, was a general thing in ten regiments of foot that marched, and so great was the terror that in Brigadier Talbot's Regiment, one of the eldest and best in the army, there were but 190 men left when we came to encamp, our last muster amounting to 400 and upwards. We lay here the remaining part of the day without any disturbance, many men dropping in to us, their fear somewhat abating by our encamping so near the enemy. The weather was extreme wet and provisions very scarce this day, all the servants being gone to Ballinasloe with what little necessaries every man had.
Thursday the 2nd: the general beat at four in the morning, and our little army soon after marched and encamped three
miles from that place on the bog and sides of hills, two miles from Ballinasloe, with a bog in front, impassable for horse, only by a narrow causeway through a thick impenetrable underwood. Here we first encamped regularly in two lines with the horse on both wings, the regiment of foot guards in the centre, which was the first time that had been practised among us.
Friday the 3rd: we marched again three miles, two to Ballinasloe and one beyond it, and encamped on the sides of the hills near a village called AughrimOn the battle of Aughrim cf. Story, 123–41; Macariae Excidium,
439–61, 450–7, 132–3; Jacobite Narrative, 138; Klopp (v. 304) shows that Ginkell did not intend to fight at once; Burnet, ii. 79; Jacobite Narrative, 274, gives the order of battle; Clarke ii. 456–8; Add. 33264 (Brit. Mus.); Light to the Blind, 689; C.S.P., Dom., 1690–1, 444–5. far from water and fire, without any other thing worth observing.
Saturday the 4th: nothing remarkable.
Sunday the 5th: a party of our horse and dragoons advancing to discover the enemy met a small squadron of about thirty-six of them near the place on which we encamped before, of whom they killed about twenty and took five prisoners, pursuing the rest till within a mile or two of Athlone. Every regiment was this day reviewed by its major.
Monday the 6th: returns were given in by the commanding officers of each regiment of their men and arms, the commanders-in-chief having to that purpose taken another review.
Tuesday the 7th: the general beat at break of day with directions not to stir tent or baggage till further order, but to keep in a readiness to march. Thus we continued most part of the day, and after noon it was declared we were not to march. This day was broken at the head of the picket guards, drawn together for that purpose, Lieut.-Col. James O'NeillJames O'Neill was attainted in 1691. of the Regiment of Cormuck O'Neill, and obliged to carry a musket in the same regiment for quitting his post and running away shamefully at Athlone, which either was the cause or contributed much to the losing of that town, the whole regiment by his example basely abandoning the
works and flying in such disorder that they lost a considerable number of their arms. Five captains of the same regiment were then also suspended.
Wednesday the 8th: the army began to march early, but the rear stirred not till noon, and we moved but a mile from the place, encamping on a plainer, pleasanter ground than the last. This day was very remarkable, first for the violent scorching heat of the sun, which I then thought so excessive as to exceed what I had felt in three years I lived in Portugal; but the reason might (be) because in that country I was never much exposed to it whereas here I marched afoot without any better place to refresh in after all than a small soldier's tent; next for the prodigious thunder, which during three hours it continued at a great distance all men took for hot firing of cannon till coming near it lasted about an hour longer in monstrous claps so great as are seldom heard, and all ended in such a violent shower of rain as ran through the tents as if there had been none. Here our artillery encamped in the front of the first line.
Thursday the 9th: this morning returned to the camp a party of our horse, who having met some of the enemy's advanced guards beyond Ballinasloe, killed nine and took five prisoners.
Friday the 10th: the whole body of the enemy advanced, their horse driving ours before them even to our camp.
Saturday the 11th: the enemy encamped near Ballinasloe, their horse advancing even to the hills opposite to our camp, which were divided from us only by the bog, and on them they kept their videttes. Both parties lay still all day, nothing remarkable happening, only preparing to engage the next day, which was
Sunday the 12th: when the enemy moved from their camp betimes and appeared on the hills opposite to us about eight of the clock. Then they began to open to the right and left, still stretching out all day insomuch that we had cause to fear they would be able to flank as well as face us. They brought down their cannon, and played it from the most advantageous posts, but to little effect by reason of good
ground we were possessed of; they also threw some bombs, but to as little purpose. In the meantime we were not idle; the army was drawn out, and the small artillery we had placed to the best advantage to gall them. Detachments went down from our right to skirmish with the enemy as they came down from the hills and opened their left towards our right.i. 6, 10 (Southwell Correspondence, T.C.D.). Letter from the Right Hon. Richard Cox, Governor of Cork, giving an account of the campaign, October 8, 1691: As for the battle of Aughrim there was nothing more strange in it than that the enemy made a braver resistance than they were wont, to which, nevertheless, they were encouraged by the situation of the place, and the strength of their entrenchments. And after all they found more security in the darkness of the night than either in their fortifications or their valour, so that if the battle had begun two hours sooner, that day had made an end of the war, and as it was, their loss was exceeding great, viz., one general, three major-generals, seven brigadiers, twenty-two colonels, seventeen lieutenant-colonels, and about seven thousand private soldiers. The consequences of this great victory was the surrender of Limerick. The King and Queen of England will weaken all they can this rebel generation by methods honest and discreet, without making it a war of religion.