Corpus of Electronic Texts Edition
Sir Francis Bacon's MSS relating to Ireland (Author: Francis Bacon)

Document 17


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Certain considerations touching the Plantation in Ireland, New year 1609

Montagu, Works of Bacon, V, 169–85.

To the King.

It seemeth God hath reserved to your Majesty's times two works, which amongst the works of kings have the supreme pre-eminence; the union, and the plantation of kingdoms. For although it be a great fortune for a king to deliver or recover his kingdom from long continued calamities: yet in the judgment of those that have distinguished of the degrees of sovereign honour, to be a founder of estates or kingdoms, excelleth all the rest. For, as in arts and sciences, to be the first inventor is more than to illustrate or amplify; and as in the works of God, the creation is greater than the preservation; and as in the works of nature, the birth and nativity is more than the continuance: so in kingdoms, the first foundation or plantation is of more noble dignity and merit than all that followeth. Of which foundations there being but two kinds; the first, that maketh one of more; and the second, that maketh one of none: the latter resembling the creation of


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the world, which was de nihilo ad quid; verses, O fortunatam natam me consule Romam! may be far more truly and properly applied to your Majesty's acts; natam te rege Britanniam; natam Hiberniam. For he spoke improperly of deliverance and preservation; but in these acts of yours it may be verified more naturally. For indeed unions and plantations are the very nativities or birth-days of kingdoms: wherein likewise your Majesty hath yet a fortune extraordinary, and differing from former examples in the same kind. For most part of unions and plantations of kingdoms have been founded in the effusion of blood: but your Majesty shall build in solo puro, et in area pura, that shall need no sacrifices expiatory for blood; and therefore, no doubt, under an higher and more assured blessing. Wherefore, as I adventured, when I was less known and less particularly bound to your Majesty, than since by your undeserved favour I have been, to write somewhat touching the union, which your Majesty was pleased graciously to accept,

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and which since I have to my power seconded by my travails, not only in discourse, but in action: so I am thereby encouraged to do the like, touching this matter of plantation; hoping that your Majesty will, through the weakness of my ability, discern the strength of my affection, and the honest and fervent desire I have to see your Majesty's person, name, and times, blessed and exalted above those of your royal progenitors. And I was the rather invited this to do, by the remembrance, that when the Lord Chief Justice deceased, Popham, served in the place wherein I now serve, and afterwards in the attorney's place; he laboured greatly in the last project, touching the plantation of Munster: which nevertheless, as it seemeth, hath given more light by the errors thereof, what to avoid, than by the direction of the same, what to follow.

First therefore, I will speak somewhat of the excellency of the work, and then of the means to compass and effect it. For the excellency of the work, I will divide it into four noble and worthy consequences that will follow thereupon.

The first of the four, is honour; whereof I have spoken enough already, were it not that the harp of Ireland puts me in mind of that glorious emblem or allegory, wherein the wisdom of antiquity did figure and shadow out works of this nature. For the poets feigned that Orpheus, by the virtue and sweetness of his harp, did call and assemble the beasts and birds, of their nature wild and savage, to


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stand about him, as in a theatre; forgetting their affections of fierceness, of lust, and of prey; and listening to the tunes and harmonies of the harp; and soon after called likewise the stones and woods to remove, and stand in order about him: which fable was anciently interpreted of the reducing and plantation of kingdoms; when people of barbarous manners are brought to give over and discontinue their customs of revenge and blood, and of dissolute life, and of theft, and of rapine; and to give ear to the wisdom of laws and governments; whereupon immediately followeth the calling of stones for building and habitation; and of trees for the seats of houses, orchards, and inclosures, and the like. This work therefore, of all other most memorable and honourable, your Majesty hath now in hand; especially, if your Majesty join the harp of David, in casting out the evil spirit of superstition, with the harp of Orpheus, in casting out desolation and barbarism.

The second consequence of this enterprise, is the avoiding of an inconvenience, which commonly attendeth upon happy times, and is an evil effect of a good cause. The revolution of this present age seemeth to incline to peace, almost generally in these parts; and your Majesty's most Christian and virtuous affections do promise the same more especially to these your kingdoms. An effect of peace in fruitful kingdoms, where the stock of people, receiving no consumption nor diminution by war, doth continually multiply and increase, must in the end


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be a surcharge or overflow of people more than the territories can well maintain; which many times, insinuating a general necessity and want of means into all estates, doth turn external peace into internal troubles and seditions.

Now what an excellent diversion of this inconvenience is ministered, by God's providence, to your Majesty, in this plantation of Ireland? wherein so many families may receive sustentation and fortunes; and the discharge of them also out of England and Scotland may prevent many seeds of future perturbations: so that it is, as if a man were troubled for the avoidance of water from the place where he hath built his house, and afterwards should advise with himself to cast those waters, and to turn them into fair pools or streams, for pleasure, provision, or use. So shall your Majesty in this work have a double commodity, in the avoidance of people here, and in making use of them there.

The third consequence is the great safety that is like to grow to your Majesty's estate in general by this act; in discomfiting all hostile attempts of foreigners, which the weakness of that kingdom hath heretofore invited: wherein I shall not need to fetch reasons afar off, either for the general or particular. For the general, because nothing is more evident than that, which one of the Romans said of Peloponnesus: Testudo intra tegumen tuta est; the tortoise is safe within her shell: but if she put forth any part of her body, then it endangereth not only the part which is so put forth,


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but all the rest. And so we see in armour, if any part be left naked, it puts in hazard the whole person. And in the natural body of man, if there be any weak or affected part, it is enough to draw rheums or malign humours unto it, to the interruption of the health of the whole body.

And for the particular, the example is too fresh, that the indisposition of that kingdom hath been a continual attractive of troubles and infestations upon this estate; and though your Majesty's greatness doth in some sort discharge this fear, yet with your increase of power it cannot be, but envy is likewise increased.

The fourth and last consequence is the great profit and strength which is like to redound to your crown, by the working upon this unpolished part thereof: whereof your Majesty, being in the strength of your years, are like, by the good pleasure of almighty God, to receive more than the first-fruits; and your posterity a growing and springing vein of riches and power. For this island being another Britain, as Britain was said to be another world, is endowed with so many dowries of nature, considering the fruitfulness of the soil, the ports, the rivers, the fishings, the quarries, the woods, and other materials; and especially the race and generation of men, valiant, hard, and active, as it is not easy, no not upon the continent, to find such confluence of commodities, if the hand of man did join with the hand of nature. So then for the


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excellency of the work, in point of honour, policy, safety, and utility, here I cease.

For the means to effect this work, I know your Majesty shall not want the information of persons expert and industrious, which have served you there, and know the region: nor the advice of a grave and prudent council of estate here; which know the pulses of the hearts of people, and the ways and passages of conducting great actions: besides that which is above all, which is that fountain of wisdom and universality which is in yourself; yet notwithstanding in a thing of so public a nature, it is not amiss for your Majesty to hear variety of opinion: for, as Demosthenes saith well, the good fortune of a prince or state doth sometimes put a good motion into a fool's mouth. I do think therefore the means of accomplishing this work consisteth of two principal parts. The first, the invitation and encouragement of undertakers; the second, the order and policy of the project itself. For as in all engines of the hand there is somewhat that giveth the motion and force, and the rest serveth to guide and govern the same: so it is in these enterprises or engines of estate. As for the former of these, there is no doubt, but next unto the providence and finger of God, which writeth these virtuous and excellent desires in the tables of your Majesty's heart; your authority and affection is primus motor in this cause; and therefore the more strongly and fully your Majesty shall declare


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yourself in it, the more shall you quicken and animate the whole proceeding. For this is an action, which as the worthiness of it doth bear it, so the nature of it requireth it to be carried in some height of reputation, and fit, in mine opinion, for pulpits and parliaments, and all places to ring and resound of it. For that which may seem vanity in some things, I mean matter of fame, is of great efficacy in this case.

But now let me descend to the inferior spheres, and speak what co-operation in the subjects or undertakers may be raised and kindled, and by what means. Therefore to take plain grounds, which are the surest: all men are drawn into actions by three things, pleasure, honour, and profit. But before I pursue these three motives, it is fit in this place to interlace a word or two of the quality of the undertakers: wherein my opinion simply is, that if your Majesty shall make these portions of land, which are to be planted, as rewards or as suits, or as fortunes for those that are in want, and are likeliest to seek after them; that they will not be able to go through with the charge of good and substantial plantations, but will deficere in opere medio; and then this work will succeed, as Tacitus saith, ‘acribus initiis, fine incurioso.’ So that this must rather be an adventure for such as are full, than a setting up of those that are low of means: for those men indeed are fit to perform these undertakings, which were fit to purchase dry


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reversions after lives or years, or such as were fit to put out money upon long returns.

I do not say, but that I think the undertakers themselves will be glad to have some captains, or men of service, intermixed among them for their safety; but I speak of the generality of undertakers, which I wish were men of estate and plenty.

Now therefore it followeth well to speak of the aforesaid three motives. For it will appear the more, how necessary it is to allure by all means undertakers: since those men will be least fit, which are like to be most in appetite of themselves; and those most fit, which are like least to desire it.

First, therefore, for pleasure: in this region or tract of soil, there are no warm winters, nor orange-trees, nor strange beasts, or birds, or other points of curiosity or pleasure, as there are in the Indies and the like: so as there can be found no foundation made upon matter of pleasure, otherwise than that the very general desire of novelty and experiment in some stirring natures may work somewhat; and therefore it is the other two points, of honour and profit, whereupon we are wholly to rest.

For honour or countenance, if I shall mention to your Majesty, whether in wisdom you shall think convenient, the better to express your affection to the enterprise, and for a pledge thereof, to add the earldom of Ulster to the prince's titles, I shall but learn it out of the practice of King Edward I. who first used the like course, as a mean the better to


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restrain the country of Wales: and I take it, the prince of Spain hath the addition of a province in the kingdom of Naples: and other precedents I think there are: and it is like to put more life and encouragement into the undertakers.

Also, considering the large territories which are to be planted, it is not unlike your Majesty will think of raising some nobility there; which, if it be done merely upon new titles of dignity, having no manner of reference to the old; and if it be done also without putting too many portions into one hand: and lastly, if it be done without any great franchises or commands, I do not see any peril can ensue thereof. As on the other side, it is like it may draw some persons of great estate and means into the action, to the great furtherance and supply of the charges thereof.

And lastly for knighthood, to such persons as have not attained it; or otherwise knighthood, with some new difference and precedence, it may, no doubt, work with many. And if any man think, that these things which I propound, are aliquid nimis for the proportion of this action, I confess plainly, that if your Majesty will have it really and effectually performed, my opinion is, you cannot bestow too much sunshine upon it. For ‘lunae radiis non maturescit botrus.’ Thus much for honour.

For profit, it will consist in three parts:
First, the easy rates that your Majesty shall be pleased to give the undertakers of the land they shall receive.


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Secondly, the liberties which you may be pleased to confer upon them. When I speak of liberties, I mean not liberties of jurisdiction; as counties palatine, or the like, which it seemeth hath been the error of the ancient donations and plantations in that country, but I mean only liberties tending to commodity; as liberty to transport any of the commodities growing upon the countries new planted; liberty to import from hence all things appertaining to their necessary use, custom-free; liberty to take timber or other materials in your Majesty's woods there, and the like.

The third is, ease of charge; that the whole mass of charge doth not rest upon the private purse of the undertakers.

For the two former of these, I will pass them over; because in that project, which with good diligence and providence hath been presented to your Majesty by your ministers of that kingdom, they are in my opinion well handled.

For the third, I will never despair, but that the parliament of England, if it may perceive, that this action is not a flash, but a solid and settled pursuit, will give aid to a work so religious, so politic, and so profitable. And the distribution of charge, if it be observed, falleth naturally into three kinds of charge, and every of those charges respectively ought to have his proper fountain and issue. For as there proceedeth from your Majesty's royal bounty and munificence, the gift of the land, and the other materials; together with the endowment of liberties; and


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as the charge which is private, as building of houses, stocking of grounds, victual, and the like, is to rest upon the particular undertakers: so whatsoever is public, as building of churches, walling of towns, town-houses, bridges, causeways, or highways, and the like, ought not so properly to lie upon particular persons, but to come from the public estate of this kingdom; to which this work is like to return so great an addition of glory, strength, and commodity.

For the project itself, I shall need to speak the less, in regard it is so considerately digested already for the county of Tyrone: and therefore my labour shall be but in those things wherein I shall either add to, or dissent from that which is set down; which will include five points or articles.

First, they mention a commission for this plantation: which of all things is most necessary, both to direct, and appease controversies, and the like.

To this I add two propositions: the one, that which perhaps is meant, though not expressed, that the commissioners should for certain times reside and abide in some habitable town of Ireland, near in distance to the country where the plantation shall be; to the end, both that they may be more at hand, for the execution of the parts of their commission; and withal it is like, by drawing a concourse of people and tradesmen to such towns, it will be some help and commodity to the undertakers for things they shall stand in need of: and likewise, it will be a more safe place of receit and store, wherein to


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unlade and deposit such provisions as are after to be employed.

The second is, that your Majesty would make a correspondency between the commission there, and a council of plantation here: wherein I warrant myself by the precedent of the like council of plantation for Virginia; an enterprise in my opinion differing as much from this, as Amadis de Gaul differs from Caesar's Commentaries. But when I speak of a council of plantation, I mean some persons chosen by way of reference, upon whom the labour may rest, to prepare, and report things to the council of estate here, that concern that business. For although your Majesty have a grave and sufficient council in Ireland; from whom, and upon whom, the commissioners are to have assistance and dependence; yet that supplies not the purpose whereof I speak. For, considering, that upon the advertisements, as well of the commissioners, as of the council of Ireland itself, there will be many occasions to crave directions from your Majesty and your privy council here, which are busied with a world of affairs; it cannot but give greater expedition, and some better perfection unto such directions and resolutions, if the matters may be considered of aforehand by such as may have a continual care of the cause. And it will be likewise a comfort and satisfaction to some principal undertakers, if they may be admitted of that council.

Secondly, there is a clause wherein the undertakers are restrained, that they shall execute the


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plantation in person; from which I must dissent, if I will consent with the grounds I have already taken. For it is not probable that men of great means and plentiful estate will endure the travel, diseasements, and adventures of going thither in person; but rather, I suppose, many will undertake portions as an advancement for their younger children or kinsfolks; or for the sweetness of the expectation of a great bargain in the end, when it is overcome. And therefore, it is like they will employ sons, kinsfolks, servants, or tenants, and yet be glad to have the estate in themselves. And it may be, some again will join their purses together, and make as it were a partnership or joint adventure; and yet man forth some one person by consent, for the executing of the plantation.

Thirdly, there is a main point, wherein I fear the project hath made too much of the line and compass, and will not be so natural and easy to execute, nor yet so politic and convenient: and that is, that the buildings should be sparsim upon every portion; and the castle or principal house should draw the tenements and farms about it as it were into villages, hamlets, or endships; and that there should be only four corporate towns for the artificers and tradesmen.

My opinion is, that the buildings be altogether in towns, to be compounded, as well of husbandries as of arts. My reasons are,

First, when men come into a country vast, and void of all things necessary for the use of man's life,


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if they set up together in a place, one of them will the better supply the wants of another: work-folks of all sorts will be the more continually on work without loss of time; when, if work fail in one place, they may have it fast by; the ways will be made more passable for carriages to those seats or towns, than they can be to a number of dispersed solitary places; and infinite other helps and easements, scarcely to be comprehended in cogitation, will ensue in vicinity and society of people; whereas if they build scattered, as is projected, every man must have a cornucopia in himself for all things he must use; which cannot but breed much difficulty, and no less waste.

Secondly, it will draw out of the inhabited country of Ireland provisions and victuals, and many necessaries; because they shall be sure of utterance: whereas in the dispersed habitations, every man must reckon only upon that that he brings with him; as they do in provisions of ships.

Thirdly, the charge of bawns, as they call them, to be made about every castle or house, may be spared, when the habitations shall be congregated only into towns.

And lastly, it will be a means to secure the country against future perils, in case of any revolt and defection: for by a slight fortification of no great charge, the danger of any attempts of kernes and sword-men may be prevented; the omission of which point, in the last plantation of Munster, made the work of years to be but the spoil of days. And


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if any man think it will draw people too far off from the grounds they are to labour, it is to be understood, that the number of the towns be increased accordingly; and likewise, the situation of them be as in the centre, in respect of the portions assigned to them: for in the champaign countries of England, where the habitation useth to be in towns, and not dispersed, it is no new thing to go two miles off to plough part of their grounds; and two miles compass will take up a good deal of country.

The fourth point, is a point wherein I shall differ from the project rather in quantity and proportion, than in matter. There is allowed to the undertaker, within the five years of restraint, to alien a third part in fee farm, and to demise another third for forty years: which I fear will mangle the portions, and will be but a shift to make money of two parts; whereas, I am of opinion, the more the first undertaker is forced to keep in his own hands, the more the work is like to prosper. For first, the person liable to the state here to perform the plantation, is the immediate undertaker. Secondly, the more his profit dependeth upon the annual and springing commodity, the more sweetness he will find in putting forward manurance and husbanding of the grounds, and therefore is like to take more care of it. Thirdly, since the natives are excluded, I do not see that any persons are like to be drawn over of that condition, as are like to give fines, and undertake the charge of building. For I am persuaded, that the people transported will consist of gentlemen and


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their servants, and of labourers and hinds, and not of yeomen of any wealth. And therefore the charge of buildings, as well of the tenements and farms, as of the capital houses themselves, is like to rest upon the principal undertakers. Which will be recompensed in the end to the full, and with much advantage, if they make no long estates or leases. And therefore this article to receive some qualification.

Fifthly, I should think it requisite that men of experience in that kingdom should enter into some particular consideration of the charges and provisions of all kinds, that will be incident to the plantation; to the end, that thereupon some advice may be taken for the furnishing and accommodating them most conveniently, aiding private industry and charge with public care and order.

Thus I have expressed to your Majesty those simple and weak cogitations, which I have had in myself touching this cause, wherein I most humbly desire your pardon, and gracious acceptance of my good affection and intention. For I hold it for a rule, that there belongeth to great monarchs, from faithful servants, not only the tribute of duty, but the oblations of cheerfulness of heart. And so I pray the Almighty to bless this great action, with your Majesty's care; and your care with happy success.


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